Trade and alliances formed ever-larger political units. Music of the High Middle Ages. This era saw the creation of several musical innovations. Polyphony was a major development in the 12 th through 14 th centuries. Composers became named and known, in contrast to the anonymous, itinerant composers of previous eras. A system of musical notation began to develop. A new class of professional performers began to grow.
A new, secular audience began to spring up. A new ritual of respectful listening begun. Increasingly complex modes of musical expression mirror an increasingly complex world. A new type of organum was developed at the cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris, France. Organum is an early type of polyphony. He combined different styles in one piece of music: He also added a very new type of dance-like rhythm musical example. Secular music grew by leaps and bounds as royal courts and the aristocratic classes grew. A school of troubadour composers of popular music sprung up.
The 14 th century saw an end to the absolute authority of the Church as a result of a series of events: The Babylonian Captivity refers to period when the entire papal court settled in Avignon, France, between and The Great Schism was the result of this move. Between and there were two, even three claimants to the papacy at any one time. People grew tired of this chaos. The behavior of some high clergy became increasingly corrupt and scandalous.
The Black Death of caused widespread devastation and soul-searching. Rulers became increasingly powerful. The world is in transition from one dominated by the Church with its immutable rules to a new world of increasing secularism, humanistic pursuit, and doubt. Secular music became high art. Much of it exhibits a structural complexity not equaled again until the s.
The essence of this music is the control of emotion and polyphonic structure.
The Renaissance saw the rediscovery of ancient Greek and Roman culture. Artists, architects, poets, dramatists, philosophers, and composers turned increasingly to pre-Christian models for their inspiration and guidance. Renaissance composers wanted their music to have the same impact on their listeners as that which the Greeks attributed to their music. By the mid-Renaissance an entirely new view of vocal articulation and system of harmony had come into place to accommodate the new, more humanistic, expressive aims of composers.
This was homophony in which one melody predominates with all other musical material heard as accompaniment. Josquin des Prez circa , the preeminent composer of the mid-Renaissance, was a master of sacred and secular music. Unlike the music of Machaut one hundred years before, this music serves the words. The clarity of the words is not the issue here. Two or three words are being sung simultaneously. The essence of this music lies in its expressive power. It is focused on a depiction of romantic malaise. The most important genre of secular music in the late Renaissance is the madrigal, a work for four to six singers, based on high art poetry, that freely mixes homophony and polyphony and focuses on word painting.
Madrigals were sung at aristocratic gatherings at European courts, especially in Italy. Diana was the Roman goddess of virginity and Vesta was a virgin goddess. In Lectures Five through Eight we review the Greek idea of music as it related to music of the Renaissance. We see the evolution of intermezzo as a precursor to the first real opera. The Greek ideal of music posited that music is a force that can move nature and change the hearts and souls of people. The Renaissance saw a growing awareness of the Greek ideal of music. It is full of unbelievable harmonic complexity. Major amounts of unresolved dissonance known as chromaticism correspond to the dissonance felt by the lovers musical example.
It was presented between the acts of spoken plays. It kept alive the idea of close collaboration between drama and music. It already has the external components of opera in its splendid stage effects, its spectacular scenery and its dancing. The style of dramatic poetry that dominated Italian theater in the late 16 th and early 17 th centuries was the pastorale. Pastorales feature sylvan settings and mild love adventures, usually ending happily. A ridotto was a private academy or intellectual club.
The Florentine Camerata was a ridotto that met in the home of Giovanni Bardi di Vernio from to Of special interest to the Florentine Camerata was the nature of musical and dramatic expression. Among the members of the Florentine Camerata was Vincenzo Galilei, who wrote a scathing attack on the artificiality of expression in madrigals. The Florentine Camerata developed a new theory of music, based on the Greek expressive ideal. The text must be sung by one singer, accompanied as simply as possible so that the words are clearly understood.
The words must be sung the way they are spoken natural declamation. No dance rhythms can be imposed upon the words. The music must depict the feelings and emotions of the character singing. The first works that we today call operas were created by members of the Florentine Camerata. Daphne was created by the poet Ottavio Rinuccini and the composer Jacopo Peri in The music is lost. Euridice was created by Rinuccini and Peri in A second version of Euridice was produced by Rinuccini and Giulio Caccini in This work was first performed on October 6, in Florence, Italy.
The character of Orfeo Orpheus , with his ability to change souls and the very face of nature with his music, personifies both opera and the Greek view of music. Monteverdi was the first great composer of opera. He did not invent opera, but was inspired to create a new operatic ideal.
Born in Cremona, Italy, he rose to the pinnacle of the musical profession in the 17 th century as choirmaster at St. Of his nineteen stage works only six have survived intact, including his first opera Orfeo. Orfeo represents the first completely successful attempt to apply the full resources of musical and dramatic art to the new genre of opera. This work is an extraordinary synthesis of the musical genres and compositional techniques available in The toccata overture demonstrates the large instrumental ensemble around forty players Monteverdi calls for in Orfeo. The character of Orpheus lies at the heart of the drama, as the personification of dramatic musical art.
Orpheus symbolizes the power of music. Yet while he can control external forces with his music, he cannot control his own emotions. Eurydice has finally agreed to marry Orpheus. They celebrate with friends. The excitement builds up to the entrance of the star couple. Orpheus, appropriately, sings a richer arioso than the other characters. Act One, like most first operatic first acts, is dramatically static. It represents an incredible synthesis of various musical forms: Toccata opening music, or overture. The messenger begins slowly, almost monotone, and builds up to a powerful climax as she tells her tragic tale.
Then, exhausted, she concludes on a bleak note. It is followed by a madrigal-style chorus replete with word painting: Monteverdi employs a stunning stroke. He brings back the ritornello heard at the beginning of the opera. The opening sinfonia is dominated by brass instillments, which were associated with the underworld. Charon, the boatman who takes souls to the underworld, is a deep bass, accompanied by a regal reed organ.
It puts him to sleep! A firm comment on the nature of opera audiences everywhere! Pluto, king of the underworld, agrees to allow Eurydice to follow. Orpheus back up to the world of mortals as long as he does not look back at her.
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Orpheus disobeys and Eurydice is forced back to Hades. Monteverdi succeeds on every level. Orfeo synthesizes all the different genres. Orfeo is a brilliant example of the power of recitative to embody and magnify the power of words. Orfeo represents the marriage of drama and music. The whole is greater than the parts. Lu pure, o Principessa, nclla tua fredda stanza guardi ie steile che tremano d'amore e di speranza! Ma il mio mistero b chiuso in me, il norae mio nessun saprb! No, no, sulia tua bocca 10 dir6, quando la luce splenderh!
Ed il mio bacio scioglicrh 11 silenzio che ti fa mia! Ledonne interno; lontano II nome suo nessun sapril E noi dovrem, ahimb! Calaf Dilegua, o notte! Calaf No one shall sleep! No one shall sleep! You too, o Princess, in your cold room are watching the stars which tremble with love and hope! But my secret lies hidden within me, no one will know my name! No, no, 1 will reveal it only on your lips, when daylight breaks forth and my kiss will break the silence which makes you mine!
Women offstage; distant Nobody will know his name And we will have to die, alas! Calaf Depart, o night! At dawn 1 will win! S Tear my heart, you horned serpents, or I shall end my pain with a sword. Wie mir doch die welt gcfallt! Good day to you! O how I love the world! Wic mir dock die Welt gefallt! Blum und Vogel, grofi und klein! Guten Tag, guten Tag!
And the bluebell in the field told of good cheer with its bell, ting-a-ling, as it rang its morning greeting: O how 1 love the world! Flower and bird, things great and small! Good day, good day! Nun fangt auch mein Gltick wold an?! Das ist mein, mir nimmer bluhen kann! Will my happiness now flower too? I know that it can never bloom for me! Void la fin de la semainc: Qui veut mon time? Vous arrivez au bon moment! Carmen Je ne te parle pas, je chante pour moi-mfime!
Last night he went out Here it is the end of the week: Don Jos6 Be quiet! I told yon not to speak! Don ]osi unties the rope holding Carmen s hands. Largo al factotum della cittJt. La ran la la, etc. Ah, che bel vivere, che bel piacere, per un barbiere di qualith A' All, bravo Figaro.
Figaro A La ran la le ra la ran la la. Make way for the factotum of the city. Rushing to his shop for dawn is here. What a merry life, what gay pleasures for a barber of quality. A' Ah, bravo Figaro. Most fortunate of men, indeed you are! Miglior cuccagna per un barbiere, vita piu nobile, no, non si clJi La la ran la la ran la, etc. A1 inio comando tutto qui sta. La la ran la Ah, che bel vivcre, die bel piacere, per un barbiere di quality. C Tutti me chiedono, tutti me vogliono, donnc ragazzi, vecchi, fanciulle.
Qua la parrucca, presto la barba, qua la sanguigna, presto il biglictto. Tutti mi chiedono, tutti mi vogliono. Qua la parruca presto la barba, presto il biglietto. Ehi, Figaro, Figaro, Figaro, etc. A better lot for a barber, a nobler life does not exist. La la ran la la ran la, etc. Ah what a merry life, what gay pleasures, for a barber of quality.
C All call for me, all want me. Old men and maidens. I need a wig, I want a shave, leeches to bleed me, here, take this note. All call for me, all want me, I need a wig, I want a shave, here, take this note. Ho, Figaro, Figaro, Figaro, etc. Figaro qua, Figaro lh, Figaro su, Figaro giii.
Grand Opera—Mirror of the Western Mind. Ah what a merry life, what gay pleasures, for a barber of quality. Now fortune has smiled on me and has turned my woes into a feast. So people get tired over and over and over again the same kinds of situation. Elettra Quanto sperar mi lice! The period was very secular in terms of philosophy and science. The Greek view of music was humanistic.
Pronto, prontissimo son come il fulminc, sono il factotum della citth. C" Ah, bravo, Figaro, bravo, bravissimo, a te la fortuna non mancherh. La la ran la, etc. Sono il factotum della citth. Figaro here, Figaro there, Figaro up, Figaro down. Quicker and quicker I go like greased lightning.
I am the factotum of the city. We grieve for this boy. Happiness is brief among mortals. Sorrow and anguish sweep down on it like a swift gust of wind on a sail-ship, and it sinks under the tossing seas. A child is born to us, and a Son is given to us; wltose government is upon His shoulder; and His Name shall be called the Angel of great counsel. Vite pandit ostium, dum mortis supplicium, pie tolerat. Hallelujah our Passover Let the devotion of the faithful be raised in rejoicing; the word of the father is made flesh, and a new child is given to us, and He has bestowed Himself upon us. The salvation of the people has opened the gateway of life, for he in devotion has borne the punishment of death.
I feel such jealousy for all those who have the joy of love, that I am astonished that my heart does not immediately melt with desire! I thought I knew so much of love, and I know so little; for I cannot help loving a lady from whom I shall never obtain any favor. Sbe has taken away my heart and, myself and herself and the whole world; and when she left me, I had nothing left but desire and a yearning heart.
Rose, liz, printemps, verdure, fleur, baume et tres douce odour. Et quant toute creature seurmonte vostre valour, bien puis dire et par honour: And all the gifts of nature you possess, for which I adore you. Rose, lily, spring, greenery, flower, balm, and tbe sweetest fragrance. And, since behond all creatures your virtue excels, 1 can honestly say: Dale, beve grillo, canta. Quando la maggior el caldo alhor canto sol per amore. The cricket is a good singer who holds a long note.
Go ahead, drink and sing, cricket. But he is not like the other birds, who sing a little and then fly away, the cricket always stands firm. When it is hottest, he sings alone for love. La tricoton, la belle tricotde. Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana: Allor proruppe in pianto e dissi Clori con interroti otnfci: Ah, may I never cease to languish in such pain. Another, lying on her side on the flowered bank, sang sweetly to the murmur of the waves. But the lovely Eurydice dancingly moved her feet on the green grass when—o bitter, angry fate!
Miscra Ninfa, e piu misero amante, spettacol di iniseria e di tormento! Orfeo Non piango e non sospiro, o mia cara Euridice, clx? Cadavero infelice, O mio core, o mia speme, o pace, o vita! Non son, non son lontano: And from the depths of her heart, a mortal sigh, so frightful, alas, flew forth, almost as if it had wings; every nymph rushed to the painful sound.
Then spread over her beautiful face and her golden tresses a sweat colder by far than ice. And then was heard your name, sounding between her lips, cold and trembling, and her eyes turned to heaven, her beautiful face and mien discolored, this great beauty was transformed to motionless ice.
Arcetro What do you relate, alas, what do I hear? Wretched nymph, and more unhappy lover, spectacle of sorrow and of torment! Orfeo I do not weep, nor do I sigh, o my dear Eurydice, for I am unable to sigh, to weep. Unhappy corpse, o my heart, o my hope, o peace, o life! Alas, who has taken you from me? Who has taken you away, alas? Where have you gone? Soon you will see that not in vain did you, dying, call your spouse. I am not far away; 1 come, o dear life, o dear death.
Now during my songs, now gay, now sad, may the birds be silent on these trees, no waves be heard on these shores, and every breeze cease to blow. Oggi fatto b felice Orfeo nel sen di lei, per cui gill tanto per queste sclve ha sospirato e pianto. Dunque in si lieto e fortunato giorno, etc.
Shepherd A On this happy, auspicious day which has put an end to the lovcsickncss of our demi-god, let us sing, shepherds, in such gentle accents that our strains will be worthy of Orpheus. Today Orpheus has been made happy on her breast, for whose sake he has already sighed and wept so much in these woods. A' Therefore on such a happy, auspicious day, etc. Chorus of Nymphs and Shepherds Come, Hymen, o come, and let thy blazing torch be like a rising sun that brings days of serenity to these lovers; and drive far away the horrors and the shadows of anguish and grief.
Tart 1 Lasciate i inoiui, lasciatc i fonti, ninfe vczzosc a liete, e in qucsti prati ai balli usati vago il bel pifc reiulete. Tart 3 Tart 1 Lasciate i monti, lasciatc i fonti, etc. Sia testimon del core qualche licta canzon cbe detti Arnore. Orfeo Rosa del ciel, vita del mondo e Chorus of Nymphs and Shepherds First Shepherd But you, gentle singer, whose laments once made this counttyside weep why do you not now delight the valleys and hills with the sound of the famous lyre? Tart 2 Here let the sun watch your dances that are much lovelier than those which the stars in the sky perform around the moon in the dark night.
Tart 3 Ritornello Tart 1 Leave the mountains, leave the fountains, etc. Tart 2' Then with beautiful flowers adorn the locks of these lovers, who after the torments of longing at last enjoy perfect bliss. Coro de ninfe e pastor! Lasciate i monti, lasciate i fonti, etc. Blessed was the day, my beloved, on which 1 first saw you, and happier still the hour when I sighed for you, since you did return my sighs; happy the moment when you gave me your white hand as a pledge of pure faithfulness.
Had I as many hearts as the eternal heavens eyes and these pleasant hills leaves in green May, all wotdd be full and overflowing with the joy that has made me happy today. I do not bear my heart within me, it remains with you together with my love; ask it if you would hear how it rejoices and how much it loves you. Balletto Chorus of Nymphs and Shepherds Leave the mountains, leave the fountains, etc.
Ritornello Come, Hymen, o come, and let thy blazing torch be like a rising sun that brings days of serenity to these lovers, etc. Dunque al tempio ciascun rivolga i passi a prcgnr lui lie la cui destra t il inondo, die lungainente il nostro ben conservi. Second Shepherd But if our rejoicing conies from Heaven, like everything around us here, it is proper that we reverently offer it incense and sacrifices. Let each therefore turn his steps to the temple to pray to him in whose right hand the world rests, that he may long preserve for us this happiness.
Nymph, First and Fourth Shepherds For after the terrible clouds, laden with dark storms, have frightened the world, the sun shines all the more brightly. Coro di nife e pastor! Ecco Orfeo, cui pur dianzi furon cibo i sospir, bevanda il pianto. Oggi felice b tanto che nulla b piu che da bramar gli avanzi. First and Second Shepherds And after the bitter frost of bare winter the spring clothes the fields with flowers.
Chorus of Nymphs and Shepherds Here is Orpheus, for whom sighs were once food and weeping was drink. Today he is so happy that nothing more remains for him to desire. Sinfonitt Orpheus Behold, 1 return to you, dear woods and beloved bills, made blessed by that sun through which alone my nights turn to day.
Ritornello Second Shepherd See how the shade of these beeches allures us, Orpheus, now that Phoebus sends fiery rays from the sky. Pastore secondo e terzo In questo prato adorno ogni selvaggio nume sovente ha per costume di far lieto suggiorno. Third Shepherd On these grassy banks let us rest, and in our various ways let each join his voice with the murmur of the waves.
Ritornello Second and Third Shepherds On this adorned meadow every god of the woods' has frequently been accustomed to spend happy hours. Or fortuna ha stil cangiato ed ha volto in festa i guai. Sol per te, bella Euridice, benedico il mio tormento: Here the charming Napaeae, a group always garlanded, with their white fingers were seen plucking roses.
Chorus of Nymphs and Shepherds Then, Orpheus, make worthy with the sound of your lyre these fields, over which wafts the aura of oriental perfumes. Ritornello Say, did I not then appear to you more disconsolate than any other? Now fortune has smiled on me and has turned my woes into a feast. Ritornello 1 used to live sadly and woefully; now 1 rejoice, and those sufferings that I bore for so many years make my present joy all the more precious. Ritornello Only for you, lovely Eurydice, do I bless my former torments; after grief one is more content, after pain one is happier.
Second Shepherd Look, Orpbeus, o look bow all around laugbs the wood and laugbs the meadow; so continue with thy golden plectrum to sweeten the air on such a happy day. La messaggera Abi, caso acerbo, alii, fato empio e crudele, abi, stelle ingiuriosc, ahi, cielo avaro! The Messenger All, bitter occurrence, ah, wicked and cruel fate, all, unjust stars, all miserly Heaven!
Pastore secondo Qual suon dolcnte il licto dl pcrturba? Second Shepherd What sound of sorrow disturbs this happy day? The Messenger I am wretched, for while Orpbeus soothes the heavens with his notes, with my words I must pierce his heart. Deb, sommi dci, non torccte da noi lienigno il guardo.
First Shepherd This is the lovely Sylvia, sweetest companion of the fair Eurydice; o how full of grief is her appearance; what has happened? O mighty gods, do not turn away from us your benign glances. The Messenger Shepherd, cease your singing, for all our joy has turned to grief. Orpheus From where do you come? Where are you going?
Nymph, what bring you? La tua bella Euridice. La messaggera La tua diletta sposa b inorta. The Messenger To you I coine, Orpheus, unhappy messenger of the most unhappy and most tragic happening. Orpheus Woe is me, what do I hear? The Messenger Your beloved wife is dead. Orpheus Woe is me! And behold, all at once her beautiful face turned pale, and her eyes lost that brilliance for which the sun envied them.
Pastore secondo Alii, caso acerbo, alii, fato empio e crudclc, alii, stclle in ingiuriose, ahi, cielo avaro. Pastore terzo c sccondo A Camara novella rassembra I'infelice un muto sasso die per troppo dolor non pub dolersi. Addio terra, addio cielo c sole, addio. Second Shepherd Ah, bitter occurrence, ah wicked and cruel fate, ah, unjust stars, ah, miserly Heaven.
Third and Second Shepherds At this bitter news the unhappy one resembles a lifeless boulder, so overcome by grief that lie cannot lament. Ah, he would have the heart of a tiger or a bear who did not feel pity for your pain, deprived of all thy happiness, wretched lover. Orpheus You are dead, my life, and I am breathing? You have left me, nevermore to return, and I remain? No, no, if my verses have any power at all, I will surely go down to the deepest abysses, and, having softened the heart of the King of Shadows; lead you hack with me to see the stars; or, if impious fate denies me this, I shall remain with you in the company of death.
Farewell earth, farewell sky and sun, farewell. Coro di ninfe e pastori Ahi, caso acerbo, alii, fato enipio e crudele, alii, stelle ingiuriose, ahi, cielo avaro. Chorus of Nymphs and Shepherds Ah, bitter occurrence, ah wicked and cruel fate, ah, unjust stars, ah miserly Heaven. Do not trust, o mortal man, the perishable and frail happiness which soon vanishes, and often in a great ascent the precipice is near. Beyond this black bog, beyond this river, in those fields of lamentation and grief, cruel fate hides your dearest possession. Now you need a great heart and a beautiful song.
Lasciate ogni speranza voi die cntrate. Abandon all hope, yc who enter here. Therefore, ifyotir heart be truly steadfast and your feet able to enter the city of sorrow, I will flee from you and return to my usual abode. Che vuoi forse, nemico al mio signore, Ccrbero trar de le tartaree porte? Charon O you, who dare before death to approach these shores, halt your steps: Or do you, your heart aflame with shameless desire, want to steal his beloved wife?
Give up thy foolish intention, into my boat will I never admit a bodily being, for the ancient outrages again awaken in my soul bitter memories and just anger. I am not alive, no, since of life is deprived my beloved wife, my heart is no longer with me, and without a heart how can it he that 1 live? To her I have turned my steps through the dark air, not towards Hell, for whoever has so much beauty has Paradise. O serene lights of my eyes, if only one glance from you can restore me to life, ah, who can deny me comfort in my torment? Only you, noble god, can aid me, fear not, for it is only the sweet strings of a golden lyre 1 use as a weapon against which rigid souls implore in vain.
Ma lunge, ah, lunge sia da questo petto pieth, di mio valor non degno effetto. Orfeo Ahi, sventurato amante! Sperar Much am 1 flattered by such delight to my heart, disconsolate singer, by thy lament and thy song. But far, ah, far from my breast be pity, which is beneath my dignity. Orpheus Ail, unhappy lover! Heaven and of Hell? Rendetemi il mio ben, tartarei Give me back my love, gods of numi!
Su, dunque, a che piu tardo? Up, then, why do I delay? Let boldness prevail vani i prieghi. Proserpine My lord, this unhappy man who over the wide fields of deatli calls for Eurydice, whom you have just now heard lamenting so sweetly, has awakened so much pity within my heart that I return again to entreat you to yield to his imploring. Pluto Although stern and immutable fate opposes your wishes, beloved wife, nothing indeed shall now refuse such beauty joined with such entreaties.
His beloved Eurydice Orpheus shall find again, contrary to the decrees of fate; but before his feet have borne him from these abysses, he may not turn round to look at her, for eternal loss will result from a single glance. Now in my kingdom make, o ministers, my will known, so that Orpheus hears it and Eurydice hears it, and nobody shall hope to change it. Chorus of Spirits Pity and love today have triumphed in Hades. Luogo avrai fra le pill belle iinmagini celesti, ond'al tuo suon le stelle danzeranno in giri or tardi or presti.
First Spirit Here is the gentle singer, who leads his wife to the skies above. RitomtUo 1, made perfectly happy through you, will sec the beloved brow. On the white breast of my lady I shall rest today. Orpheus What honor is worthy of thee, my omnipotent lyre, that you have, in the infernal realm, been able to overcome every hardened spirit? Ritornello You will find a place among the most beautiful images of Heaven, and to your sound the stars will dance in circles, now slowly, now quickly.
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Heather Dubrow and Richard Strier Chicago, , pp. Letter dated 5 August Again his protestations were voiced in the language of Venetian panegyric as it was handed down in civic mythology — or a quasi-satiric inflation of it. Apart from his position on the issue of love, he insisted, he "always spoke of the aged with infinite reverence, especially in this sanctified and blessed Venice, today sole defense of Italy and true dwelling of faith, justice, and clemency, in which there are an infinite number [of old people], any one of whom with his prudence could easily govern the Empire of the whole world.
With these paradoxical rhetorical stances, writers like Franco and Parabosco could avail themselves of transgressive possibilities inherent in the diverse literary genres newly stimulated by Venetian print, yet still align themselves with the prevailing power structure. They were at once iconoclasts and panderers. In both roles they seized the chance to shape their own public images, as Franco told her adversary so unequivocally. Doni, the plebeian Florentine son of a scissors maker, represented at its most venal the phenomenon of making capital of the social breach.
After an unsatisfying start as a monk, he fled Florence for the life of a nomadic man of letters, arriving in Piacenza in and in Venice the following year. But I hearten myself with having as much patience to die as they have the stupidity to live. As if to underscore his irreverent manipulation of printed words and the contradictory strategies that the two of them crafted, Doni's letter then made out as if to return Parabosco's laudatory sonnet with a matching risposta. Like Parabosco's, Doni's skill at social climbing played a role in Venetian madrigalian developments, if one more mercenary than musical.
He possessed a rudi-. Girolamo Parabosco [Venice, ], fol. The letter, undated, comes from the First Book, which was first printed in as Lettere amorose. Venier's stanza set by Donato, Chap. Grendler, Critics of the Italian World, Doni's eclecticism depended on the city's flexible structures. It leaned away from the elitist, totalizing aesthetic of Bembo toward the grittier, more syncretistic one that the city paradoxically made possible.
This is evident in his most famous joining of musical and literary worlds, the Dialogo della musica, published in by Girolamo Scotto shortly after Doni's arrival in Venice, in which he playfully recreated the casual evenings of an academic assembly. As noted by Alfred Einstein and James Haar, the first of the Dialogo' s two parts is unmistakably set in provincial Piacenza, where a circle that formed around the poet Lodovico Domenichi took on the title Accademia Ortolana.
Only Arcadelt and da Milano had no strong known connection with Venice. Doni was always fascinated by this sort of academic life. He gives an account of current academies in the last pages of his Seconda libraria Venice, In between they freely interpolate sight-readings of music — mainly madrigals. At the outset the interlocutors decide on the style of their encounters with characteristic self-consciousness. Once Doni enters the expanded world of Venice in Part 2, new personalities double his resources.
Now eight interlocutors are present: Bargo and Michele from Part 1, a woman called Selvaggia, the composers Parabosco and Perissone, Domenichi and Ottavio Landi from Piacenza, and the composer Claudio Veggio, who seems to have been connected with both cities. Pieces handed out from Michele's pouch [ carnaiolo ] now accommodate up to all eight of those present. Once again the speakers begin with reflections on their relations to one another and remarks on their use of conventions, all the while laughing at their own bows and curtsies.
Inasmuch as I am among the number of honored women and this music is made out of love for me, I thank you and I am most obliged to Parabosco and everyone. I'm just kidding, since you began with servants and such things, which aren't really used by musicians, painters, sculptors, soldiers, and poets. So that we don't just keep multiplying words, how did you others end yesterday?
Tanto ch'io son nel numero delle donne onorate e che per mio amore si fa questa musica, io vi ringrazio e v'ho tropp'obbligo e con Parabosco e con tutti. Dico appunto baie, come tu hai cominciato di servidore e di certe cose, che fra noi non s'usano alla reale da' musici, da' pittori, scultori, da' soldati e da' poeti. Dialogo della musica, p. At this they move on. Doni continues to aim for the informal realism of a private academy, moving the speakers in and out of their commitment to the discourse and sustaining their self-conscious scrutinies. After the initial gallantries Parabosco announces that their company has been ordered to speak about a beautiful woman by Grullone and Oste.
Since neither Grullone nor Oste is there, they sing instead a madrigal about a donna bella set by the obscure Noleth. This prompts a trifling speech by Domenichi on what makes a woman beautiful, in the course of which Doni quotes his own epistolary eulogy of the Piacentine beauty Isabetta Guasca — probably the real-life name of the Dialogo 's Selvaggia. In this way Doni presents the salon not only as a dynamic space for arbitrating different styles and tempers but as a vehicle for self-display and self-fashioning. The salon thus functioned like the occasional and intertextual verse of Franco and Parabosco.
Salons encouraged the sort of juggling for position and exposure common to places of barter. The nobility who formed the salons' main patrons were more receptive to ambitious commoners than they had been before. And by the mid-sixteenth century the means for winning intellectual and artistic recognition within the bustling city had become more diversified and more ample than ever.
Not surprisingly, ambitions proved only more fierce as a result. The ascendency of the private salon following on the heels of Venetian print culture brought quick changes of players, fast renown, rapid dissemination of ideas and artifacts, and above all pressures to excel and adapt quickly to new fashions. The idea of the marketplace, then, is not just metaphorical, for marketplace economies held a material relevance in the city's salons.
The salon was not only the concrete locus of patronage, with all that winning patronage entailed; even more crucially, the busy commercial aspect of the city — with its large mercantile patriciate, its steady influx of well-heeled and cultivated visitors, and its thriving presses — increasingly animated. On Guasca see Haar, "Notes on the Dialogo della musica, " p. Another Piacentine and favorite poet of early madrigalists, Luigi Cassola, addressed her in his Madrigali Venice, , verso of penultimate folio.
For the extensive popular literature containing similar encomia of women see Chap.
From More to Shakespeare Chicago, , pp. Essays in Literary Theory, Interpretation, and History, ed. New Haven, , pp. The heterogeneity and lack of fixity that typified these salons were interwoven threads in a single social fabric. The very immunity of private groups to concrete description, so confounding to the modern historian, lies at the core of their identity. One of their defining characteristics, this loose organization and openness to change was essential to forming competitive groups. Private gatherings in salons, though often described in contemporary literature as accademie a term I use here , were in fact only distant predecessors of more formalized academies that proliferated later in the century.
Instead, they protected their cultural cachet in the safe seclusion of domestic spaces, where discussion, debate, and performance were private. Rather than demanding fixity from either their activities or adherents, they thrived on the easy accommodation and continual intermingling of new ideas and faces. This is true both of academies that concentrated on literary enterprises in the vernacular — poetry, letters, plays, editions, and treatises on popular theories of love and language [62] — and of those musical academies linked to the circle of Willaert.
The gatherings of Venetian noblemen like Marcantonio Trivisano and Antonio Zantani or of transplanted Florentines like Neri Capponi and Ruberto Strozzi are all known only from scattered accounts and allusions. By reducing them all for convenience to the single epithet academy, I mean to stress their historical relationship to the later groups, but not to confuse their structures with the formalized ones of those later academies. The generic names applied to academic salons during this time were as changeable as their makeups — accademia, ridotto, adunanza, or cenacolo.
Still informative if partly outdated , particularly because they incorporate less-fixed academic groups, are the older studies of Michele Battagia, Delle accademie veneziane: See also Achille Olivieri, "L'intellettuale e le accademie fra ' e ' Verona e Venezia," Archivio veneto, 5th ser. Outside this pattern are a very few public-minded and philologically oriented academies that grew up earlier in the century; in the early cinquecento this includes the Neacademia of Aldus Manutius, devoted to Greek scholarship, and at midcentury the Accademia Veneziana, also known as the Accademia della Fama, devoted to an encyclopedic agenda of learning and publication.
Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice Ithaca, , pp. In the remainder of Part 1, I try to depict the textures of vernacular patronage in Venice by focusing on the private worlds of figures such as these. Chapter 2 begins with the pair of Florentine exiles Capponi and Strozzi, apparently the main private benefactors of Willaert and Rore, respectively, from about the late s until the mids.
As rich aristocrats and singers of domestic music, they represent a kind of private patronage that shunned the popularizing commodifications made by the likes of Parabosco. They stand in sharp opposition to another foreign patron, Gottardo Occagna, who sponsored prints of vernacular music and letters in Venice from about to Fictitious printed letters to Occagna from Parabosco that feigned public displays of private diversions suggest he colluded with vernacular artists in mounting the Venetian social ladder. Central to my assessments of both Occagna and the other protagonist of Chapter 3, the patrician Zantani, are the ways in which social images were fashioned through the rhetoric of Petrarchan love lyrics.
The juxtaposition of Occagna's and Zantani's cases shows that while those outside the Venetian patriarchy might invert this rhetoric to mobilize their positions, the local aristocracy sought out ennobling texts and images to reinforce their status claims. Zantani probably promoted some of the many encomia of his wife that were made in the rhetoric of Petrarchan praise, and he engineered several printed volumes that could bring him renown, not least an anthology with four of the madrigals from Willaert's then still unpublished Musica nova corpus.
All of these figures are maddeningly elusive to our backward gaze. It is only in Chapter 4, with the salon of another native patrician, Domenico Venier — a friend of vernacular music whose palace was the literary hub of midcentury Venice — that we come to see the full richness of exchange, the gala of personalities, the competitive forces they set in motion, and the fruitful intersection of art and ideas that the flexible social formation of Venice allowed. Throughout much of the s and beyond Venice sheltered a colony of exiled Florentines, the fuorusciti.
As a group, the fuorusciti were highly aristocratic and educated, well versed in music and letters, and eminently equipped to indulge expensive cultural habits. Before long he had established what became the most sophisticated musical academy in Venice, headed by Willaert and graced by the acclaimed soprano Polissena Pecorina.
Like other private patrons, Capponi seems to have gathered his academists under his own roof, where they flourished in the early s and almost surely premiered much of Willaert's Musica nova. Another Florentine, Ruberto Strozzi, lodged intermittently in the city during the thirties and forties in the course of far-ranging business and political errands that accelerated after his family was banished from Florence in The portion of the Frari's archive at I-Vas designated "Scuola dei fiorentini" lacks items for the years to See further on Capponi's genealogy in n.
Agee was cautious about concluding definitively that the Neri Capponi of musical fame is the same as the one appearing in many Strozzi letters, but cross-references in the letters combined with Passerini's genealogy cited in n. Canciano along the lovely Rio dei Santissimi Apostoli Plate 7. In the early to mid-forties, as he tore about Italy and France, Ruberto is known to have bought up madrigals and motets by Cipriano de Rore. The coincidence of the Florentine presence in Venice with the flourishing of Venetian madrigals was fateful.
Florentines made their way into Venice following a long history of political strife in their own city, whose republican edifice by then had collapsed. During the years spent in Florence, these exiles had sustained a long tradition vigorously promoting Italian vocal music. It was only natural that they should have continued it once abroad.
The patronage of both Capponi and Strozzi was aggressively acquisitive, seeking sole ownership of important new settings. But their interest was not mere collection. Each was groomed in gentlemen's musical skills and moved in patrician circles that practiced part singing. In both political and artistic realms the vicissitudes and imaginative powers of Ruberto's father had played a dominant role — a role that is critical for our understanding of the next generation's construction of this heritage and its relationship to Venetian music. Ruberto was the son of Filippo di Filippo Strozzi, the most prominent Florentine banker of the first third of the century and, by many reckonings, for most of his life the richest man in Italy.
Niccolini, Filippo Strozzi, tragedia Florence, , p. Sagredo believed that the Strozzi house was "quella ora del Weber dove altre volte era la famosa Biblioteca Svajer" p. This house stands at the Ponte di San Canciano by the so-called Traghetto di Murano and is now numbered in the sestiere of Cannaregio. See further in Giuseppe Tassini, Alcuni palazzi ed antichi edifichi di Venezia storicamente illustrati con annotazioni Venice, , pp. Lino Moretti Venice, , p. For an English text see the trans. Gargani Florence, , who claimed that "nella ricchezza fu solo, e senza comparazione di qualsivoglia uomo d'Italia" p.
Ruberto and Neri were thus first cousins, and Filippo Strozzi, Neri's uncle. By the mid-thirties, however, owing to Strozzi clashes with the new duke, Alessandro de' Medici, Filippo's family and its immediate associates had been cast into a restless and embittered exile. In the course of this, Filippo's banking interests were managed from abroad, mostly by employees from the ranks of the fuorusciti. Venice was just one of several cities that received substantial Strozzi business, along with Rome, Naples, Lyons, and Seville.
To clarify the precarious social and political situation in which Filippo, his family, and their Florentine allies found themselves in the s, it is necessary to look briefly back over the long-standing Strozzi relationship with the Medici. In , during Florence's next-to-last republic, the headstrong Filippo became engaged to Clarice de' Medici. At that time her family was banished from the city.
The engagement was a brash move on Filippo's part that drew horror and fury from his half-brother Alfonso and members of the extended Strozzi clan, who held at the time at least tentative favor with the Ottimati government. With the Medici restoration of Filippo found himself ideally placed to exploit the financial interests and favor of Clarice's uncle Giovanni, who assumed the papacy as Leo X the following year.
In the decades up to Filippo bankrolled two Medici popes in his role as papal financier, culminating in with his dowering of a Medici bride for the future king of France, Henry of Orleans, at the staggering sum of , scudi. Note, however, Agee's cautions concerning some apparent genealogical confusion in her discussion of these marriages, "Ruberto Strozzi," p. Pompeo Litta Milan, , which is variously ordered and bound in the different copies that survive.
The copy in I-Vas includes 14 vols. Luigi Passerini , in vol. Neri's grandfather is described there as a very rich banker who opened a banking house at Lyons. Our Neri, born 6 March , appears as the oldest of ten children. For a general account of the hazard perceived by the Ottimati government in Strozzi ambitions see Eric Cochrane, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, On a single occasion in , at the institution of the College of the Knights of St.
Peter, Giulio de' Medici, then Pope Clement VII, awarded him eleven titles of the office of knight in return for credits totaling 9, ducats; he divided them among four of his sons, giving three to Ruberto. Until Clement VII's death in September Filippo's political position experienced only one real setback when he abandoned Rome for Florence shortly before the sack in to take the helm of popular republican leadership.
Having failed in that role, he was temporarily forced to pursue interests abroad. But by he had reforged Medici bonds in Florence and Rome and resumed principal residence in the latter city. It was only after several years of renewed papal collaboration that Filippo's seemingly unbreakable financial edifice began to crack with the death of the pope — Filippo's primary debtor and Medici supporter. Filippo still boasted a sprawling empire and had much to protect in the continued prestige of the Strozzi family.
But any goodwill toward them that remained among Medici at home was dwindling fast. Filippo's wealth and leverage among princes posed an immediate threat to the collateral line of the Medici headed by the dissolute Duke Alessandro, now in firm — and monarchical — command of the patria with imperial support. Alessandro grew increasingly suspicious of Filippo and his sons. At last, in December , shortly after Clement's death and after various skirmishes that took the family again out of Florence, Alessandro declared them rebels.
Filippo's story merges at this juncture with that of members of the younger generation who are my main concern here. In August , after a two-year stay in his palazzo at Rome, Filippo finally retired to Venice. Goaded on by Piero, he also began to organize troops for an assault against the Medici, only to be captured in his first major attempt in the Tuscan hills of Montemurlo on 31 July. The Florentine historian Jacopo Nardi recounted that Filippo's sons retreated the next day toward Venice, tired and defeated and with no alternative but to take stock of their situation and await a better opportunity to strike.
Pietro Stromboli Florence, , pp. See Table 1 below. Florence, , 2: Varchi's account largely agrees with those of Strozzi, Vite, pp. Both of the last two include the story that Filippo, once he made up his mind to believe Lorenzo, proclaimed him the Florentine Brutus — just one detail whose repetition suggests a strong narrative filiation among the various versions. I have synthesized events highlighted in Florentine letters and histories in order to emphasize the intrigues and narrowly factional politics that brought elite Florentine patrons into Venice.
Far from epitomizing the republicanism idealized in Venice and attached to Filippo in various romanticized representations that appeared after the events of , he and his kin differed little in kind from the Medici themselves. In a very real sense, an entrepreneurial merchant-banker on the rare order of Filippo Strozzi — not unlike Jacob Fugger, imperial banker to Charles V — was at once invention and inventor of the princely sponsors who required him to stage their grand schemes. His identity depended on an exchange of mutually productive powers.
Born into such a dynasty in the world of early modern power politics, a young man like Ruberto cannot have thought himself much less a prince's son than if his father had been a duke or an emperor, a difference he might have attributed to the winds of fate or to a slight disparity in style or ambitions. For the Strozzi, empire and culture formed an indivisible alliance.
As Pier Paolo Vergerio had put it, not only was "the ability to speak and write with elegance" — and, we might add, to sing — "no slight advantage. Filippo's passions for high finance and Florentine politics extended almost by necessity to arts and literature, in which he developed considerable abilities. His brother Lorenzo wrote that on all those days that Filippo was free to plan as he liked, his time was divided equally between "the study of letters, private business, and private pleasures and delights. See also Gelli's commentary in Nardi, Istorie 2: Filippo was the dedicatee of Pisano's edition of Apuleis, on which see Frank A.
D'Accone hesitated to link too securely the identity of this Pisano with that of the musician, but his doubts are certainly cleared up by Varchi's reference to Pisano as an "eccellente musico in que' tempi, che grande e giudizioso letterato" as noted by Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," p. The madrigal was included in the first layer of B-Bc, MS Only a few settings of Filippo's poetry are known today, but given the exclusive patterns of patronage that obtained with Florentine patrons it seems likely that others ones for which he commissioned settings, for example simply are not extant.
The findings of Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," suggest that literary patrons wrote many more verses for commissioned settings than now survive; see also Thomas W. Apropos, it might be of interest that while in Lyons Capponi wrote Filippo, then in Venice, to send thanks for a capitolo Filippo had composed for him — for singing to music?
The pains Filippo took to reinforce his cultural hegemony naturally included his immediate family. He attended to the humanistic education of his sons by hiring noted tutors and later sending his sons to the Studio in Padua. Girolamo Parabosco's description of Ruberto as having "rare judgment in all sciences" may therefore reveal more than the usual hyperbole, [28] for Ruberto's education not only included the Paduan stint but tutoring in Greek letters and law with Varchi.
Ruberto and his brothers sang part music like their father and uncle, as shown by a letter of 19 November first noted by Agee that Ruberto's Lyons-based relative Lionardo Strozzi wrote him in Rome. Similmente fece per carnevale in maschera per le case le canzoni. Tillman Merritt by Sundry Hands, ed. Laurence Berman Cambridge, Mass. Jan LaRue et al. New York, ; repr. New York, , pp. Two Florentine Composers of the Renaissance," Analecta musicologica 4 Gaetano Milanesi, 3 vols. Florence, , 1: Among the most striking aspects of Florentine epistolary exchange are the elitist postures adopted time and again in patrimonial ploys and in the Florentines' observations of outsiders.
Florentines pursue what is rare and new, unknown, and decidedly private. In the first and best known of their letters, from Ruberto, in Venice, to Varchi of 27 March , Ruberto described his attempt to have an epigram of Varchi's set by Willaert and asked Varchi in return to compose a madrigal in honor of "Madonna Pulissena" undoubtedly Pecorina. Ruberto's assumption that he would wield influence with the chapelmaster is remarkable in itself. But even more so is the clandestine, cocky way he went about the whole venture.
Linking sexual and cultural conquest in a single identity that placed stealth at the strategic node of a sacred bond, Ruberto expressed his hopes through the conjuncture of culture and combat: Lionardo's letter of 19 November evinces the same Florentine attitude toward sharing music. Ruberto's request was specifically meant to procure new and unknown music from the Lyonnaise contingent. Lionardo hopes that a canzone that arrived from Florence some eight days earlier will serve; if it's already known in Rome, he'll get some other new pieces for them — not hard for him to do since, as he boasts, a friend in Florence always sends along Arcadelt's latest things.
The entire letter turns on this issue of having the latest pieces on hand — and only for restrictive, private use. I quote from Agee's transcription, which reconciles the printed version with that of a manuscript copy: Strozzi's outrageousness doesn't stop there; witness the salutation that he juxtaposes immediately afterward: See Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," pp.
This was the same tight vise that gripped the new Venetian-styled madrigals of Willaert and Rore. In Ruberto's employee Pallazzo da Fano angled to have Strozzi send him a new madrigal of Rore's written for Capponi, should he be able to get hold of it. And truly not a man will have your madrigal that you sent me, for I know the one to whom I sent it to be of messer Nerio's kind" emphasis mine.
Capponi's tightfistedness was the very quality that so astonished the low-born Antonfrancesco Doni. When his exiled compatriot Francesco Corboli took him to Capponi's salon, Doni was already beginning to fashion a career out of the new livelihood to be earned from the Venetian printing industry and was squirreling away musical works for his forthcoming Dialogo della musica. He claimed to be agog on his first encounter with Venetian music making there — not only at the dazzling musical scene but at the total inaccessibility of the music. One evening I heard a concert of violoni and voices in which she played and sang together with other excellent spirits.
The perfect master of that music was Adrian Willaert, whose studious style, never before practiced by musicians, is so tightly knit, so sweet, so right, so miraculously suited to the words that I confess to never having known what harmony was in all my days, save that evening. The devotee of this music and lover of such divine composition is a gentleman, a most excellent spirit, Florentine as well, called Messer Neri Caponi, to whom I was introduced by Messer Francesco Corboli [another Florentine] and thanks to whom I listened, saw, and heard such divine things.
This Messer Neri spends hundreds of ducats every year on such talent, and keeps it to himself; not even if it were his own father would he let go one song. My investigations of Strozzi's whereabouts as summarized in Table 1 below indicate that the date must be On this issue see Jane A. Francesco Malipiero and Virginio Fagotto, Collana di musiche veneziane inedite e rare, no.
Many have assumed, with good reason, that the music Doni heard at Capponi's house included works printed only fifteen years later in the Musica nova. Francesco dalla Viola's dedication of the printed volume maintained that the pieces in the Musica nova had been "hidden and buried" so that no one could use them and that consequently "the world came to be deprived" of its contents. This repertorial link gives a very good idea about one aspect of the musical fare at ca' Capponi — or, more precisely, about its compositional substance.
Doni offers his Piacentine dedicatee little in the way of concrete information about the. Walter Gerstenberg and Hermann Zenck, vol. The documents surrounding this exchange are now reprinted together with numerous new ones in Richard J. See also David S. Doni fashioned for his Dialogo a sonnet of his own in homage to Pecorina, A la bella concordia unica e rara p. In a passage in Chapter 19 of his Germani de musica verbali ca. Together, however, Doni and Ganassi corroborate at least two aspects of the academy's structural makeup: Doni's account also confirms various contemporaneous representations of Pecornia that identify her as a central interpreter of Willaert's music.
As we saw, Ruberto Strozzi in requested his teacher Varchi to compose a madrigal text in her honor most likely Quando col dolce suono, later set by Arcadelt, as Agee believes. Indeed Pecorina was so directly identified with the collection that it came to be nicknamed after her.
Willaert himself set another madrigal lauding Pecorina, the still-anonymous text Qual dolcezza giamai. In treble-dominated pieces we would expect that viols often accompanied voices, but Doni leaves us maddeningly uninformed as to whether instruments played some parts alone, without doubling voices — a signal point in madrigals so textually conceived as those in the Musica nova. Con un discorso in materia de satira Venice, , fol. Among other things, the article includes Lowinsky's discovery of a sixteenth-century handwritten notation, "La Pecorina di Ms.
Adrian," in a set of part books of the Musica nova in Treviso; see ibid. It glossed Petrarch's praise of Laura from the fourth stanza of the canzone Chiare freshe et dolci acque, where flowers falling about her seem to say "qui regna amore" no. Neither this nor any of the celebratory texts or surviving accounts of her support the assumption routinely made by earlier writers that Pecorina was a courtesan. In its emphasis on how moving her singing is, lauding her power to transform the natural bodies of earth, sea, and sky, it fashions her image instead as that of a divine enchantress, attracting the beneficent notice of heaven by calling the harmonies of heavenly love to earth.
She was thus almost undoubtedly a gentildonna, as Doni called her, styled after the musically skilled donne di palazzo Castiglione described in Book 3 of Il cortegiano. See also Donna G. Canzone Villanesche alla Napolitana and Villotte [Madison, ], p. The Western Art Tradition, , ed. The notion that music making by women was universally regarded in the sixteenth century as leading to licentiousness is put to rest by H. His central topic, a portrait in the Spada Gallery of Rome by an unidentified north Italian painter, depicts a gentildonna with lira and the cantus part of a strambotto setting.
Similar iconography can be seen in other representations of the time, for example in Habiti d'huomeni e donne venetiane Venice, , an engraving from which is reproduced in Gaspara Stampa, Rime, ed. Maria Bellonci and Rodolfo Ceriello, 2d ed. Milan, , p. The difficulty of reading evidence to determine whether or not sixteenth-century women were courtesans must be understood to originate in contemporaneous tensions over the appropriation of styles.
The idea that women who made music were prostitutes was promoted in satiric literature such as Pietro Aretino's Ragionamenti Venice, [] ; see also Fenaruolo's capitolo to Willaert cited in n. Mario Marti Florence, , pp. But Bembo's letter, probably anticipating an eventual public readership, must be interpreted in the context of his concerns about Helena's illegitimacy and his ultimately successful efforts to establish her within patrician society: The configuration of Capponi's academy as I have described it raises questions about the changing place of madrigals in private aristocratic homes.
With Willaert installed as director, Pecorina as prima donna, and other top musicians as the corps of singers and instrumentalists those "altri spiriti eccellenti" who played and sang , all producing what Doni called "concerti," did Capponi, the accomplished part singer and student of Ganassi, still participate in music making as he had in Lyons? Could he have set up his academy to include him as singer or violist? Probably not, or at least not with as much regularity. The metrical instabilities and contrapuntal independence of Willaert's madrigals would have made them more difficult for amateur singers than the madrigals and chansons of Arcadelt and Layolle sung at Lyons.
Most likely secular settings of slightly older vintage complemented the new fare by Willaert and his circle, as happens in Doni's Dialogo della musica.
There may well have been simple ricercars and instrumental arrangements of vocal music playable by nonprofessionals like Capponi, similar to those Ganassi used to illustrate his manuals. But based on the descriptions of Capponi's academy by Doni and Ganassi and the imitations of Willaert's madrigals made by members of his cappella who were both singers and composers, it seems inconceivable that professionals did not play the largest role in performing the music heard at Capponi's house at least on important evenings attended by outsiders like Doni.
Unlike the symmetries described in accounts of earlier meetings, where nobles appear to stand on fairly equal ground, Capponi's new accademie observed a definite structural hierarchy however shadowy and inaccessible they may have been. Meetings now pointed hierarchically to two patriarchal figures, the master of ceremonies and the musical director.