The unemployment rate, at It should be noted that although this unemployment rate is the highest of all the urban areas studied here, the increase in the numbers of unemployed is a new characteristic of urban societies in general Figure 2. The structure of the working population can thus be described as fairly balanced.
Managerial and working class jobs are both under-represented, and the main characteristic of the working population is the large share of tertiary workers and people in trade and small business. A slight increase can be seen for the number of salaried workers while overall, the share of self-employed, retail traders and small business owners has decreased in the course of time. When the different urban areas are compared directly, it can be noted that the urban area of Nice registers If in general the increase in the proportion of people over 64 can be explained by the increase in life expectancy in the different urban areas, in the south of France this trend is boosted by the large number of retired individuals settling in that part of France.
In general, the increase in the number of single-person households is however note solely explained by the increase in life expectancy, it is also related to a new phase of celibacy post-adolescence , and to the more widespread breakdown of families. This second phenomenon has led to a doubling in the proportion of single-parent families between and in most French cities.
The population of Paris is characterised by a large 25 to 45 age group. The share of single-person households is the lowest. In Europe, the largest foreign immigrant 2 populations are found in large cities such as London, Paris or Brussels Friedmann, This concentration is attributable both to job availability and to the existence of already established ethnic networks that facilitate integration into local life for new immigrants settling in the country.
The different ethnic groups are however very unequally distributed across French cities. Table 2 shows the proportions of foreign or immigrant populations in the eight largest urban areas in France in It can be noted that there is a wide variation in the share of immigrants in the populations of the cities considered. In absolute value and in percentage, the largest number of immigrants is to be found in Paris. The smallest number is in Nantes.
Nevertheless, even in Nantes, the urban setting has an effect on the proportion of immigrants in the population: Immigrants in the 8 largest urban areas in For instance, the regional concentration of immigrants from southern Europe in Bordeaux The marked presence of immigrants from Africa in Marseille To understand the evolution of the social space in its complexity and the many interactions among the different social groups, 22 variables that characterise differences in the social mosaic were considered see column 1 in Table 4.
In addition, 5 variables characterising he different living environments in the city were also taken into account. These variables are the most significant indicators to understand the processes occurring over recent decades. Indeed, analyses on the city have shown that family differences often follow the concentric circle model. When socio-economic differences are envisaged, they generally comply with a sector model. However the analysis of the distribution of the different socio-economic groups showed that changes in recent decades followed the centre-periphery model, without invalidating the sector pattern which is dominated by a concentric layout across the urban area as a whole Schwabe, A value smaller than 1 indicates a spatial concentration under the mean; a value of 1 indicates a concentration that is equal to the mean; and a value over 1 indicates a marked concentration of the group.
Figure 4 confirms this regular feature for the managerial and professional categories.
With the very small representation of workers in the centre and their marked concentration in the suburbs, it can be said that the localisation of the two groups at either end of the social hierarchy are opposite. The evolution of their localisation between and shows an increase in social disparities between city centre and sub urbs from the end of the s in Paris, Bordeaux, Lyon and Lille.
The degree of disparity between centre and periphery remains fairly stable for Nantes and Toulouse, and decreases slightly for Marseille and Nice in this same period. This result in the longer term confirms the results reported by Lajoie and Reynard for the period to Paris intra muros city centre has long been attractive to the population, and this has led to a sharp increase in property prices over a number of decades. For instance, only 5.
The same phenomenon explains the increase in socio-spatial disparities in Bordeaux and Lyon. According to the classic Alonso-Muth urban economy model Alonso, , the urban area organises itself in concentric circles, where property prices decrease with the distance from the city centre. In the context of property market pressures, only the presence of a large pool of social housing can enable poor populations to continue living in the central areas of the city Preteceille, Figure 5 shows this relationship very clearly.
The more concentrated is the availability of social housing in the city centre, the greater the concentration of the worker population. This relationship is independent from the total proportion of social housing in the urban area Table 3. Relationship between the concentration of social housing and localisation of workers in the city centre. Because data on this migratory balance is lacking, only an analysis of the settlement zones of new arrivals in the urban area was performed Schwabe, It shows that the localisation of new arrivals in the urban areas is very selective with regard to socio-professional category.
For instance, in Paris among all the new arrivals who settled in the urban area between and only The increase in spatial inequalities is likewise explained in Bordeaux, Lyon and Lille by the same socially selective flows. In contrast, in Nantes, Toulouse, Marseille and Nice the settlement rates for the different categories in the city centre are more balanced.
In these cities the proportion of social housing in the city centres is above that in the urban area overall, Figure 5 and Table 3 , which shows the influence of the availability of social housing on urban segregation. Proportion of social housing HLM in the large urban areas in The different graphs in Figure 6 show that this spatial approximation was correct at one time, but that it is not at all true today or for future trends. From then on, there is a marked decrease in the concentration of this age group, with the exception of Nice where the elderly population is still moderately represented in the centre.
In Marseille the evolution is less marked on the graph because the weight of the central commune distorts the analysis. Regarding the presence of elderly populations in the suburbs, it can be seen that their under-representation has tended to decrease since the s. The change in the localisation of the population aged 55 to 64 shows the same trends, with a time-lapse of around ten years Figure 6. For this age group, there is an under-representation in the city centre and an over-representation in the suburbs in the census in the majority of the urban areas studied.
Assuming they grow old where they were located in , this graph suggests a clear over-representation in this zone of the population over 64 in 10 years on. If households with at least one child are considered, this pattern appears quite clearly. Nevertheless, if the young families with one or more children under 6 are compared to families overall couples with or without children and single-parent families new localisation trends can be seen.
This shows an increase in the localisation of young families in the city centre and a de-concentration in the suburbs. This process is particularly marked in Lyon, where the centre-periphery migratory balance for young families is constantly decreasing, falling from Different studies have shown that some of these couples no longer leave the city centre at the birth of their first child. In fact, the city centre is an ideal location for the family belonging to post-industrial society: Their localisation is markedly in the city centres.
Nevertheless, with the displacement of ageing populations, the concentration of households comprising a single elderly person is also increasing in the suburbs. While for a long time these single individuals were above all elderly women, on account of differences in life expectancy between men and women, the present structure of these households is today radically different. Overall the new single individuals are now mainly young adults students or individuals in their first job , adults of intermediate age who have divorced, and finally elderly single people. Figure 6 shows the localisation of young adults aged 18 to Their localisation is increasingly central in most of the urban areas.
The situation is extreme in Lille where one fifth of the population The absence of this phenomenon in Marseille can be explained by the large surface area of the central commune , and the location of the university campus in the outskirts Aix e n Provence. In Paris the tight property market appears to explain the balance of localisation of the age group between centre and periphery.
Localisation of the different socio-demographic groups in the city centres and in the suburbs. In the previous section of this article, different processes of socio-spatial change have been shown.
It can be supposed that these processes together generate a new socio-spatial structure of French cities. Paris sans le peuple. La gentrification de la capitale. Book sections 10 documents Anne Clerval. The case of Inner Paris.
Gentrification as a global strategy: Neil Smith and beyond , Routledge, pp. Anne Clerval, Christine Delphy. Espace et rapports de domination , Presses universitaires de Rennes, pp. Ses concepts, son vocabulaire et ses auteurs , Des ailes sur un tracteur, pp.
It shows that at the end of the 20 th century, the urban structures no longer correspond to the usual representation of the social space in three dimensions economic status, family status, ethnic status. This dimension can be identified in Bordeaux, Lille, Lyon and Nantes. Agrandir Original png, 15k. Indeed, numerous studies have shown the very great stability over time of the functional position of cities belonging to a given city system Cattan, Pumain et al, , Pumain Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. In these cities the proportion of social housing in the city centres is above that in the urban area overall, Figure 5 and Table 3 , which shows the influence of the availability of social housing on urban segregation.
Anne Clerval, Pauline Brunner. Arnaud Alessandrin; Yves Raibaud. Urban Policy and Gentrification: A critical analysis using the case of Paris. Social Science Quarterly, 69 4 , pp.
Social forces, 67 2 , pp. Black and Hispanic Segregation along five dimensions. Demography, 26 3 , pp. Sociology and social research, 73 2 , pp. Sociology and social research, 76 4 , pp. Segregation and the Making of the Underclass.
Segregation sociale et habitat (French Edition) on www.farmersmarketmusic.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Logement social et ségrégation résidentielle des immigrés en France, ; Suivre cet . L'impact des modifications des frontières géographiques des unités urbaines et, en .. Ce chiffre est globalement similaire, qu'il s'agisse de l' habitat en logement social ou privé. .. English abstract on Cairn International Edition.
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