La géopolitique : Les relations internationales (Eyrolles Pratique) (French Edition)
Contents:
The main conclusion of the paper is that a compromise is possible with compensations for the other interested global actors, not only for Russia. F51; F62; O52; O57; R The end of and the month of March mobilized the memories of March To be sure, the search for a resemblance, for a comparison, was easy, and much easier than an analysis that would integrate the changes of the world context in which the events were taking place. Thus approached, the international crises in Georgia during , that in Ukraine since and other internal tensions that arouse international interest Turkey, Iran, Syria, Belarus light up in a new way, the spotlight of the last phase of the establishment of the New International Order of the post-Cold War, against the backcloth of Chinese power and Sino-US latent rivalry.
The fact that Crimea was Russian until is true; the fact that the Soviet empire no longer corresponds to present border-designs is also true. And so, as often in academic analysis, when facts are uneasy to understand, one would be well-advised to revert to theoretical views. Nowadays, the conflict between Ukraine and Russia covers political, military, social and economic aspects. The main question related to this crisis is how deep is this conflict and which are its challenges for the international community?
La géopolitique: les relations internationales
There are a lot of articles, interviews and statements concerning the Ukrainian crisis. On the other hand, there are not large scientific analyses focused on it. This paper offers a complex political and economic analysis based on the latest official data and considers that the greatest challenges for Ukraine and the international community will started at the end of the military conflict in region.
Critical Overview of the Literature. Rather than reverting to immediate news reports, made worse by acute journalistic sensationalising of the facts, it is suggested to extract the necessary elements of discussion from theories that link space and power.
As to power in classic geopolitical views, K. It is a much more widespread phenomenon and therefore particular dynamics must be analysed from a wide perspective. Benmlih Mohamed marked it as to-read Jul 14, The E-mail message field is required. Comparisons are about looking in parallel at facts that are linkable to some analysis, not at identical facts. What has changed since the Westphalian order was begun in the midth century, confirmed by the UN system of world management, is that international actions should be negotiated and accepted before being undertaken which applies also to interventions in and in the Middle East. As a result of the regional crisis, Russia faces to a negative net export of good and services even that it decreased dramatically its imports during see Figure 2.
We need to browse through classic geopolitical concepts 1 , adapting some of them in particular, in order to seek to provide a fine-tuning of unfolding geopolitical dynamics 2. Adapting some Geopolitical Classics. Classic thinkers, contributors from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, some of them German, some others Anglo-American, provide us with five views of the relevance of the physical space or territory.
Let us remind ourselves of how these views relate to the events of Eurasia in general and with those in and around Ukraine in particular. It will then be possible, in each case, to state and discuss, to use and refute these views and suggest an analysis of the dynamics since in Ukraine as case-study of the European-Asian interface. The issue of space in geopolitics is addressed as a territory animated by a State, according to the view of F.
That is, all States are in a struggle for space and seek to increase their territory in order to access more resources. This classic idea that States, as a rule, extend into their neighbours, has a countervailing significance: From the loss of space to the lack of space, especially to the subjective nature of the feeling of a lack of space in very large States, there is only a narrow margin. As to power in classic geopolitical views, K. Haushofer 4 suggests that not only can power be constructed but that it can also be reconstructed. And so, the Japanese scenario of the late 19th century, the German scenario of the s and, maybe, the Russian scenario of the s would bear some resemblance.
This calls for nuances. Comparisons are about looking in parallel at facts that are linkable to some analysis, not at identical facts. That Russia, having been the greatest land-power of the 19th century and the inspirer of the Soviet Empire, would seek to reconstruct its influence and might over the continent is not illogical.
Haushofer would most probably, if he were to share his views with us today, contend with the logic present in the tough stance over Crimea and eastern Ukraine: Relative power is but one stage to the realisation of power, in a deterministic realist approach. Power can also be hegemonic by combining sea-power and land-power. The events of in Georgia remind us of the importance for Russia of the military port of Batumi in Georgia; those of of that of Sebastopol in Crimea and the southern China sea for China.
From the point of view of Russian geopolitics over the long, multi-secular scale, there is no alternative to dominating the Black sea and that dominance calls for the control of Crimea. Two Balkan wars and, before that, the long, historical confrontation with the Ottoman Empire had the same purpose.
Another theorist of the fact that sea-power complements land-power, H. MacKinder 6 , rigidifies the power relations between the powers of the sea England of the 18thth c.
He further suggests a deterministic, sequential dynamic for dominating the continent, from Eastern Europe to the heartland, to the Eurasian space and to the world. This long-term perspective takes away much, if not all, of the contemporary tensions as attributable to a particular type of leadership or another. The drive to expansion from the center triggers, according to the vision of N.
History reminds us that if the ambitions of the periphery to conquer the central Asian space have failed ancient Greece, modern France, Japan, Germany , on the other hand when the centre attempted to dominate the continent Middle-Age Mongolia, modern URSS , it could not do so for longer than several decades. These reminders allow us to take into consideration, further, some more contemporary, geopolitical concepts and similarly apply them to the situation of Russian initiatives in the eastern Balkans. Contemporary authors, from the last quarter of the 20th century, active within French academia and research, provide us with about ten modern views of geopolitical dynamics.
They are not chosen here because they share a nationality among themselves and with the author of the part I of the article , but because they offer an array of views and analyses, that complement rather well the over-accepted views that the physical territory is the key to geopolitics. What is suggested is that there are many other determinants than the sheer material space. This factor, which Y. Lacoste 8 brings to the fore, suggests, beyond material, territorial determinants.
It is unlikely that these real intentions subside. The acute tension of this early 21st century marks the fact that borders are again the subject of nationalist and military moves. Foucher - 9 looks as the border-dimension of conflicts. He suggests a simple question: From the Russian viewpoint, has caused a reshuffling of borders in the Baltic northwest, in the Centralasian southeast, in the Caucasian south, very uncomfortable at that, given five centuries of expansion. Conversely, has brought, in the West, a renewed awareness that the time has come?
The West and the EU have more to bear in mind by way of Russian competition: The resemblance of maritime to terrestrial space, suggested by H. Here, war is not necessarily the main characteristic of the unfolding ambition but one of the forms taken by this ambition. In this vein, if Russia underwent in the s an economic crisis when Europe was doing better, the reverse occurred in the s with the Russian economy benefiting from higher world prices for energy Russia is among the major world producers of natural gas and crude oil and Europe in the deepest economic and monetary upheaval since its creation.
International situations bear upon citizens in any territory, who often suffer from open conflicts among state decision-makers. From a humanitarian point of view, J. The fate of citizens becomes trapped and engulfed in possible manipulations dictated more by geopolitical interests than by humane motives.
Account Options
In Georgia, South-Ossetia and Abkhazia in , in Crimea, Ukraine and east-Moldova from , the fact that citizens are Russian-speakers was equated with their longing to revert to the Russian nationality and to see their living space attached to the Russian Federation. Humanitarian concerns go to citizens with differing views, intent on remaining within the existing sovereignty, since their uprooting does not agree with the stability or protection to which they are entitled. Whatever the inter-governmental dynamic, war-like actions have cause many casualties and deaths.
Or, is there specificity of the Balkans and of the Black Sea that would suggest a sub-regional geopolitics different from that of other regions? Physical or civilizational dimensions apply less than the fact that reverting to cold-war West-East dynamics would again ascertain the specificity of that zone. The national interest is a constant of geopolitical action as M. Garaud 14 reminds us in the case of France. It can be mobilised to analyse yet further the situation in the Balkans and Ukraine.
- Operation Oracle: Merkiaari Wars Book 3.
- Breve historia de la Antigua Grecia (Spanish Edition);
- Acta Universitatis Danubius. Œconomica, Vol 11, No 2 (2015);
The pursuit of the national interest cannot be disputed as being the common denominator of all governments and leaders. What has changed since the Westphalian order was begun in the midth century, confirmed by the UN system of world management, is that international actions should be negotiated and accepted before being undertaken which applies also to interventions in and in the Middle East. The issue over Crimea is also one of time-dimensions and cyclical leaderships in Russia and Ukraine, as well as one of assertive versus constructive leaderships.
The issue is that of bias. For criticising a contemporary dynamic, one may be accused of stirring past deeds which belong to the past and ought not to be mobilised to account for present dynamics. If i Russia did not annex Crimea in similarly to what happened in Austria in , then ii to criticise Russia today does not amount to an ideological primary anti-Russian attitude.
Any country and any foreign policy can be criticised and this may lead to improvements in international relations. Russia and Europe and Ukraine could monitor the situation in the Balkans differently: To be sure, the crisis over Ukraine and Crimea, just as many international crises since the cold war over Iraq in , over North-Korea since ,… yield to various diplomatic dances-of-the-slow-snail.
These dances mobilise forefront diplomats, here S. They also mobilise international events not directly linked to diplomacy but attracting high international visibility, such as sporting events In this vein, the year witnessed, all at once, the crisis in Ukraine and Crimea, the displaced G7-meeting from Sochi-Russia to Brussels and the Olympic Games in Sochi-Russia, where some Ukrainian athletes protested against the referendum held in Crimea at the risk of being disqualified for breaking Olympic neutrality.
Classic track-II conferences over Ukraine did and do complete the picture: This rapid promenade in the alleys opened by contemporary analysts of geopolitical determinants in the late 20th century usefully completes the reminders of classic authors of the late 19th century. Russia is acting but as a western-Eurasian power belonging to an Asia that is more and more China-inspired.
Europe is an actor but also a Union more and more inclined to manage initiatives and crises as a continental power, which raises for Europe the every decision to partly des-atlanticise its security. In conclusion of part I of this article, Russia is at a crossroad between vertical determination annexing Crimea and multilateral construction constructing the Eurasian EEC? This is suggested for at least three reasons.
It is a much more widespread phenomenon and therefore particular dynamics must be analysed from a wide perspective. The post-cold war international order is questioning many givens inherited from the cold war, for instance Euro-African relations, Sino-Russian relations, South Asian dynamics, East-Asian construction, Latin-American assertions, etc. Second, the nature of international power is affected by the opening of the political borders in the world since , and is therefore evolving, from an essentially political and military nature, to an economic nature at large, and particularly commercial and financial.
It is necessary to analyse events again according to economic cycles, in the neo-critical manner of, for instance, S. More generally than the neo-critical approach, we suggest that the present Black Sea dynamic is affected by the economic crises either in Russia, Europe or the world at large. Third, above all, the change taking place in the world at present, and therefore also in the former Soviet zone, is one from vertical to multilateral dynamics.
That is to say, it is no longer appropriate or even possible for a State to act according to unilateral ways or even strict bilateral ways. This means that unilaterally neither Russian in the Black Sea, nor the USA in international politics, whether around Ukraine or in Afghanistan, nor China for that matter, can succeed long in seeking to initiate domination.
Or else, Russia is acting in a way that paves the way for the enlarging EEC, another multilateral initiative, involving large parts of the CIS space, also in a competition with China, but an economic competition, not a military one as with the CSTO. The latest official data published by the European Commission talk about weak economic performance in , stagnation in and a little future recovery in The potential risks for the Russian economy are high inflation rate, rouble depreciation and fiscal outlook deteriorating European Commission, , p.
Moreover, the national currency is plummeting. This is why IMF approved the second loan for Ukraine 1. This loan is focused on five important economic areas: Ukraine asks for urgent international financing Burke Michael, , p. After high economic growth rates during , Russia faced to the economic contraction in and The forecast economic growth of 2.
The real risk for the Russian economy is related to escalation of the conflict in region and imposition of sanctions European Commission, , p. As a result of the regional crisis, Russia faces to a negative net export of good and services even that it decreased dramatically its imports during see Figure 2. This trend will continue in , as well see Figure 3.
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La géopolitique
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