The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 04, April, 1890

The American Missionary - Volume 44, No. 02, February, 1890 (Paperback)

Guangxi Normal University Press p. Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House p. Dugald Christie Thirty Years in Moukden p. Dugald Christie Thirty Years in Mouken p. The Macmillan Company p. Barnes Needles Herbs Gods and Ghosts: China Healing and the West to Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press pp. William Lockhart Medical Missionary in China pp.

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The Medical Missionary’s Changing Conceptions of Traditional Chinese Medicine

Wong and Wu History of Chinese Medicine pp. Harold Balme China and Modern Medicine: United Council for Missionary Education pp. The Case of Pelagie Inuk: Looks at the unique recruitment of an Inuk woman as a nun in Jaenen Journal of the Canadian Historical Association: Historical Papers , Vol.

Examines missionary work and the possibility that the clergy were clandestinely involved in the fur trade to help finance their missions. Caught Between Catholic and Government Traditions: Americanization and Assimilation at St. Off-reservation boarding school established to counteract influence of Protestantism. Discusses policies and curriculum which were taken from both the Catholic and governmental school systems. Butz Counseling and Values , Vol. Looks at the philosophical issues that surround the idea of chaos.

Wilson's role in the development of 19th century Canadian anthropology. Contends that the Cherokee Nation was perceived, manipulated, and distorted according to the society of the times, which had its own multiple and internal conflicts.

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Underwood, about whose mercantile tendencies loud complaints had been made. His strong character as well as his position as a pioneer missionary, put him in a position to defend his practice.

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Beckwith, who manufacture Round Oak stoves informing us that they have received letters from the Rev. Eugene Bell of Seoul, Korea, who requests them to send him full particulars, regarding their stoves, and offering his services as their agent in Korea. We have also received a letter from Mr.

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Hulbert of Seoul, making the same request. Both of these gentlemen state that they are satisfied considerable business could be worked up in Korea in their stoves, and we will ask you to secure their orders, provided they have any , as Messers. Beckwith informed both of the gentlemen referred to, that we were acting for them in the East. Consul General William F. Hulbert, was not himself a missionary, Eugene Bell was a clerical missionary of the Presbyterian Church U. The only other time that missionary trade was officially mentioned was in the report.

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There Allen gave a very different view of the matter:. The Mission work is remarkably successful. Our people have abstained from meddling with politics In some cases, without going into merchandizing the missionaries have introduced simple but improved farming implements, such as plows, to the great advantage and profit of their people and the possible creation of a demand for such goods. What brought about this sudden change?

Of course, he cautioned the secretary to keep it only to himself. Sometime in Presbyterian Cadwallader C. Hulbert was becoming wealthy through his real estate transactions. Or board executives might have thought that the practice was simply tolerable unless it gained public notoriety or the missionary was charged with utilizing mission funds for business purposes. In , Bunker suddenly resigned from the Methodist Episcopal Mission. What actually shocked his missionary colleagues was not his unexpected resignation itself, but rather his reason.

Lucrative financial offers, no doubt, were the major attractions. But in other cases missionaries chose Mammon over God. Nolan of the southern Presbyterian Mission, for instance, resigned from the mission even before finishing his first term and accepted a position at an American mining company.

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We go to our Annual Meeting in Springfield, October 23d, with faith in the ability and devotion of those who sustain the work and with full courage and hopefulness for still greater results in the new year. Some were interested in the Western education that missionary organizations offered and in the prestige that affiliation with missionaries brought. Wall Street Boys' Association, ninth annual complimentary dance, souvenir program, Caught Between Catholic and Government Traditions: Both of these gentlemen state that they are satisfied considerable business could be worked up in Korea in their stoves, and we will ask you to secure their orders, provided they have any , as Messers.

Bunker worked for the mining company for about one year and six months. However, others were willing to accept him back. A large part of it resulted, really, from the values they shared, that is, liberal-capitalist values. In fact, it was the money from businessmen that fueled the machinery of overseas missions.

Besides, all major denominational mission boards had rich business leaders. Of note is that this claim was based on the Anglo-Saxonism of the time. It indicated that Anglo-Saxon universalism had finally flared into imperialism. Clark of the United Society of Christian Endeavor claimed that foreign missions brought in the increase of export and "the widening of our empire. Otherwise, it is difficult to explain why the American foreign mission enterprise, in the main, was concentrated on major potential markets such as China, Japan, India, and the Ottoman Empire.

A comparison between foreign missionaries and New England Puritans is pertinent, because, despite many fundamental changes, there were meaningful continuities between the two. A very common misunderstanding of the thesis is that the capitalist Protestant work ethic was a direct cause of modern capitalism.

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There is, on the one hand, historical evidence showing that early Calvinists promoted capitalist forms of commercial enterprise. On the other hand, there are also indications that Puritans found themselves in a much precarious position within the world increasingly saturated with the spirit of capitalism.

Writings of Nehemiah Wallington, a seventeenth-century Puritan artisan in London and Puritans in Sussex, England, Dedham, Massachusetts, and Boston show that Puritans were either hostile to or equivocal about increasingly powerful capitalists. On the one hand, it is feasible that their zeal for visible sanctification, for which missionaries were in general famous, had worked in such a way as Weber argued that it opened the door to the pursuit of worldly gains.

Compared to seventeenth-century London and Boston, in which Puritans had to cope with an emerging capitalist society, the late-nineteenth-century American middle class, from which most Korea missionaries came, was a world drenched with the capitalist spirit. Considering their sense of responsibility and self-sacrifice, the injunctions to prove their spiritual worthiness in their regular callings, namely, the missionary work, appear to have become obsessions to most missionaries.

Horace Underwood was at once one of the most enthusiastic and hard-working missionaries and one of the persons who had been most actively engaged in business. The actual connection between a capitalist spirit and a Protestant ethic in individual missionaries such as these three is as mysterious as exactly how ascetic Protestantism, albeit unintentionally, led to the modern capitalistic ethos.

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The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 04, April, by Various This free downloadable e-book can be read on your computer or e-reader. Mobi files can. The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 04, April, by Various - OkadaBooks is a fast, simple and fun way to read books without ever leaving your.

In other words, Weber did not prove how the Protestant anxiety about the uncertainty of salvation in front of the inscrutable majesty of God was a sufficient causal factor of the set of attitudes toward economic activity that sanctioned the pursuit of acquisition as an end itself. Interestingly enough, however, this lack of clarity does not necessarily prove the invalidity of the thesis. Causal explanations of the connection between one historical phenomenon and another are elusive and never fully explained, and thus a thesis can stand on the basis of strong plausibility.

Likewise, the link between human actions and human beliefs defies any attempt to elaborate it. The relations among the motives, purposes, action, and results of human behavior are opaque and indeterminate. One can never fully explain the puzzling behaviors of, say, C. Nonetheless, itis quite feasible that the nature of his secular-religious culture was such that it allowed him to be a gentleman, a zealot, and a profit-seeker at the same time. However, what is not commonly acknowledged was the fact that both critics and the criticized were children of the same religious and cultural spirit—just like missionaries and merchants came from the same American milieu and shared as much as they differed.

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The former were no more a group of self-denying Puritan divines than the latter were callous mercantile capitalists. Underwood, after all, was not John Cotton, and neither was Dalzell A. Bunker a Cotton Mather. The genius of post-Second Great Awakening Protestantism lay in the fact that it emancipated believers from that ever-precarious balancing effort by locating sanctification in outward acts of specific obedience, thereby allowing them freely to engage in the world of laissez-faire economy.

Volunteering to be an overseas missionary was, in this sense, a demonstration of the highest form of religious piety; but there was no longer any inherent conflict between this obedience and bourgeois values. They mark our cheerful faces and our enjoyment of life, and wonder at the cause. They listen to the tales of the achievements of Western science When they realize that all this is the outcome and development of our religion, the practical value of Christianity makes a powerful appeal to them.

King Gojong and his court throught that American missionaries, unlike French missionaries, were indifferent to politics and could bring benefits of Western civilization. Many Koreans joined churches for food and money, for medicine, and for work. A very common question was: Some were interested in the Western education that missionary organizations offered and in the prestige that affiliation with missionaries brought. The last two tendencies were particularly noticeable among the Korean middle class.

Poverty, the almost universal condition of Koreans, just like drinking and smoking, increasingly became the prima facie evidence of sin, if not of ultimate probation. Of course, missionaries welcomed people from lower and upper social strata. Nonetheless, they hoped that the emerging middle-class Koreans, just like they did in American churches, would become the driving force of the Korean churches.

This explains why middle-class Koreans, or the most motivated and pragmatic among the Koreans, became the mainstay of the Korean churches. The Koreans were buying more and more foreign goods, many of which they used to produce themselves, whereas they had nothing to sell to balance these increasing imports. Furthermore, the customs office was under the influence of China and other foreign powers that successively held the upper hand over Korea. Therefore, it was inevitable that the Korean government could not fully secure tariff revenue.

Nevertheless, it appears that they never really understood either the sacred-secular complexity of their religion or the magnitude of its repercussions. Hutchison , Errand to the World: Sandeen , The Roots of Fundamentalism: Harris and Joann K. Hutchison, eds, Missionary Ideologies in the Imperialist Era: Ruether and Eleanor McLaughlin , eds. Griffis , A Modern Pioneer in Korea: The Life Story of Henry G. Appenzeller , New York, Fleming H.

Bishop , Korea and Her Neighbors: Missionary to Korea , Lewiston N.