Death at Dames Hundred

Death at Dames Hundred

Additional information Publisher iUniverse. Content protection This content is DRM free. Additional terms Terms of transaction. Ratings and reviews No one's rated or reviewed this product yet. To rate and review, sign in. Your review will post soon. There was an error posting your review. Please try again later. No one's rated or reviewed this product yet. Skip to main content. Dead Dames Don't Sing. The stylish tale of a dead poet, a rediscovered pulp novel, and a lovely lady with a story to sell from the author of the Charles Resnick Mysteries.

Now a private detective, Kiley has agreed to investigate the provenance of a newly discovered manuscript. What makes it unusual—and potentially valuable—is that the novel appears to have been written by the late poet William Pierce before he made a name for himself. The Bibliomysteries are a series of short tales about deadly books, by top mystery authors.

The first large-scale killings under Mao took place during land reform and the counterrevolutionary campaign. In official study materials published in , Mao envisaged that "one-tenth of the peasants" or about 50,, "would have to be destroyed" to facilitate agrarian reform. Benjamin Valentino says that the Great Leap Forward was a cause of the Great Chinese Famine , and that the worst effects of the famine were steered towards the regime's enemies. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill. Margolin states that the killings were proportionally larger in Tibet than China proper, and that "one can legitimately speak of genocidal massacres because of the numbers involved.

These deaths, Jones stressed, may be seen not only as a genocide but also as 'eliticide' — "targeting the better educated and leadership oriented elements among the Tibetan population. The Killing Fields were a number of sites in Cambodia where large numbers of people were killed and buried by the communist Khmer Rouge regime, during its rule of the country from to , immediately after the end of the Vietnam War.

The results of a demographic study of the Cambodian genocide concluded that the nationwide death toll from to amounted to 1,, to 1,,, or 21 to 24 percent of the Cambodian population before the Khmer Rouge took power.

After 5 years of researching some 20, grave sites, he concluded that "these mass graves contain the remains of 1,, victims of execution". Helen Fein, a genocide scholar, notes that, although Cambodian leaders declared adherence to an exotic version of agrarian communist doctrine, the xenophobic ideology of the Khmer Rouge regime resembles more a phenomenon of national socialism , or fascism. Mass killings have also occurred in Vietnam [] and North Korea. According to Benjamin Valentino, available evidence suggests that between 50, and , people may have been killed in Bulgaria beginning in as part of agricultural collectivization and political repression, although there is insufficient documentation to make a definitive judgement.

According to Valentino, between 80, and , people may have been killed in East Germany beginning in as part of denazification by the Soviet Union, but other scholars argue that these figures are inflated.

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Death at Dames Hundred [A E Pritchard] on www.farmersmarketmusic.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. To whom will Ursula Tilghman sell Dames Hundred land as she . Several people at Dames Hundred benefit from the priest's death, and they all had the opportunity to put the poison into the cup—his stepmother Ursula.

In the Soviet occupation zone, NKVD established prison camps, usually in abandoned concentration camps, and interned alleged Nazis and Nazi German officials along with some landlords and Prussian Junkers. According to files and data released by the Soviet Ministry for the Interior in , all in all, , Germans and 35, citizens of other nations were detained. Of these prisoners, a total of people were shot and 43, died of various causes. Most of the deaths were not direct killings, but caused by outbreaks of dysentry and tuberculosis.

Death by starvation did also occur on a notable scale, in particular from late to early , but these deaths do not appear to be deliberate killings, as food shortages were widespread in the Soviet occupation zone. The prisoners of the "silence camps", as the NKVD special camps were called, did not have access to the black market and were unable to get food other than what they were handed by authorities.

Some prisoners also died because of execution and perhaps torture. In this context, it is unclear if the prisoner deaths in the silence camps can be categorized as mass killings. It is also unclear how many of the dead were German, East German, or of other nationalities. Even though crossing between East Germany and West Germany was possible for motivated and approved travelers, thousands of East Germans tried to defect by crossing the wall illegally.

Of these, between and people were killed by the Berlin Wall guards in the years to According to Valentino, between 60, and , people may have been killed in Romania beginning in as part of agricultural collectivization and political repression. Rummel , forced labor, executions, and concentration camps were responsible for over one million deaths in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea from to ; [] others have estimated , deaths in concentration camps alone.

Estimates based on a North Korean census suggest that , to , people died as a result of the s famine and there were , to , excess deaths in North Korea from to Valentino attributes 80,—, deaths to "communist mass killings" in North and South Vietnam. According to scholarship based on Vietnamese and Hungarian archival evidence, approximately 15, suspected landlords were executed during North Vietnam 's land reform from to The conflict between Hmong rebels and the Pathet Lao continued in isolated pockets.

The government of Laos has been accused of committing genocide against the Hmong, [] [] with up to , killed out of a population of , According to Frank Wayman and Atsushi Tago, although frequently considered an example of communist genocide, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan represents a borderline case. After the invasion in , the Soviets installed the puppet government of Babrak Karmal , but it was never clearly stabilized as a communist regime and was in a constant state of war.

To tip the balance, the Soviet Union used a tactic that was a combination of "scorched earth" policy and "migratory genocide": Hassan Kakar said that "the Afghans are among the latest victims of genocide by a superpower. Amnesty International estimates that half a million people were killed during the Ethiopian Red Terror of and Over half of the million deaths attributed to communism were due to famine, according to Soviet historian J.

He states that "in the period after , only Communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people.

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And again in the s, two African countries that claimed to be Marxist-Leninist , Ethiopia and Mozambique, were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines. The scholars Stephen G.

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This justified the ruthless dehumanization of their enemies, who could be suppressed because they were 'objectively' and 'historically' wrong. In the Cambodian Government asked the United Nations assistance in setting up a genocide tribunal. Plaque on the building of Government of Estonia , Toompea , commemorating government members killed by communist terror. Additional terms Terms of transaction. Even though crossing between East Germany and West Germany was possible for motivated and approved travelers, thousands of East Germans tried to defect by crossing the wall illegally. Robert Conquest stressed that Stalin's purges were not contrary to the principles of Leninism , but rather a natural consequence of the system established by Vladimir Lenin , who personally ordered the killing of local groups of class enemy hostages.

Davies and Mark Tauger reject the idea that the Ukrainian famine was an act of genocide or intentionally inflicted by the Soviet government. Arch Getty posits that the "overwhelming weight of opinion among scholars working in the new archives is that the terrible famine of the s was the result of Stalinist bungling and rigidity rather than some genocidal plan.

Pankaj Mishra questions Mao's direct responsibility for famine, noting that "A great many premature deaths also occurred in newly independent nations not ruled by erratic tyrants. Benjamin Valentino writes that, "Although not all the deaths due to famine in these cases were intentional, communist leaders directed the worst effects of famine against their suspected enemies and used hunger as a weapon to force millions of people to conform to the directives of the state. Authors including Seumas Milne and Jon Wiener have criticized the emphasis on communism and the exclusion of colonialism when assigning blame for famines.

Milne argues that if the Soviets are considered responsible for deaths caused by famine in the s and 30s, then Britain would be responsible for as many as 30 million deaths in India from famine during the 19th century, and he laments that "There is a much-lauded Black Book of Communism, but no such comprehensive indictment of the colonial record".

Michael Ellman is critical of the fixation on a "uniquely Stalinist evil" when it comes to excess deaths from famines, and asserts that catastrophic famines were widespread in the 19th and 20th centuries, such as "in the British empire India and Ireland , China, Russia and elsewhere". He argues that a possible defense of Stalin and his associates is that "their behaviour was no worse than that of many rulers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

According to a constitutional amendment in the Czech Republic , a person who publicly denies, puts in doubt, approves, or tries to justify Nazi or communist genocide or other crimes of Nazis or communists will be punished with a prison term of 6 months to 3 years. Barbara Harff wrote in that no communist country or governing body has ever been convicted of genocide.

Indeed, everywhere Communist parties, though usually under new names, compete in politics.

At the conclusion of a trial lasting from to , Ethiopia's former ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam was convicted of genocide , war crimes and crimes against humanity and sentenced to death by an Ethiopian court for his role in Ethiopia's Red Terror. In this respect it closely resembles the definition of politicide. In the Cambodian Government asked the United Nations assistance in setting up a genocide tribunal. His sentence was reduced to 19 years in part because he had been behind bars for 11 years. On August 7, he was convicted of crimes against humanity by the Khmer Rouge Tribunal and received a life sentence.

In August , Arnold Meri , an Estonian Red Army veteran and cousin of former Estonian president Lennart Meri , faced charges of genocide by Estonian authorities for participating in the deportations of Estonians in Hiiumaa in Meri denied the accusation, characterizing them as politically motivated defamation: Monuments to the victims of communism exist in almost all the capitals of Eastern Europe and there are several museums documenting communist rule, such as the Museum of Occupations and Freedom Fights in Lithuania, the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia in Riga, and the House of Terror in Budapest, all three of which also document Nazi rule.

In , Canada's National Capital Commission approved the design for a memorial to the victims of communism to be built at the Garden of the Provinces and Territories in Ottawa. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of a series on Communism Concepts.

Class struggle Class consciousness Classless society Collective leadership Common ownership Commune Communist society Free association From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs Gift economy Proletarian internationalism Stateless society Workers' self-management World revolution.

Communist state Communist party Communist revolution Communist symbolism History of communism. Excess mortality in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin. Soviet famine of — , Holodomor , Holodomor genocide question , and Dekulakization.

National operations of the NKVD. Stalinist repressions in Mongolia. Population transfer in the Soviet Union. History of the People's Republic of China — NKVD special camps in Germany — Land reform in North Vietnam and Land reform in Vietnam. Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Qey Shibir and famine in Ethiopia. The literatures on state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism have been plagued by definitional problems.

Terms such as state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism can be and often are easily confused and therefore need elaboration. The main difference between state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism, for instance, is one of intentionality. The purpose behind policies of state-sponsored mass murder such as genocide or politicide is to eliminate an entire group Gurr , The purpose behind policies of state terrorism is to "induce sharp fear and through that agency to effect a desired outcome in a conflict situation" Gurr , The former requires mass killings to accomplish its goal.

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The latter's success is dependent on the persuasiveness of the fear tactics used. Mass killings may not be necessary to accomplish the particular goal. Genocides are mass killings in which the victim group is defined by association with a particular communal group. Politicides are mass killings in which "victim groups are defined primarily in terms of their hierarchical position or political opposition to the regime and dominant groups" Harff and Gurr , Interestingly, many of the instances coded by Harff and Gurr as "politicide" are considered by much of the literature to be instances of state terrorism e.

Evidently there is some overlap between state terrorism and some kinds of state-sponsored mass murder. No generally accepted terminology exists to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants. In addition, it is not in keeping with the terms that have long been used by the academic community. Naturally, the work of creating an inventory includes examining the terms used in practice by researchers in their analyses, and it is reasonable to assume that every time, every society and every paradigm has its own terms to refer to the crimes of communist regimes.

Nonetheless, it is possible to establish at this early stage that researchers have long used the word terror to describe the crimes of the Soviet communist regime, regardless of the framework of interpretation to which they adhere. As a result, terror will be the term most frequently used here in analysing the Soviet communist criminal history. On the other hand, the term terror is seldom used to describe the mass killings in Cambodia between and , which may be because it is less clear that the actual intention and stated motive of the Khmer Rouge was to terrorise people into submission.

The term genocide, however, is relatively widely accepted and established in describing the systematic and selective crimes of the communist regime in Cambodia, although the use of this term is not entirely uncontroversial.

Mass killings under communist regimes

Therefore, in analysing the criminal history of Cambodia, this term will be used in precise contexts dealing with the killing of a category of people, whereas more neutral terms such as mass killing and massacre are used to refer to the general use of violence. The terminology used in the Chinese criminal history is dealt with in detail as part of the section on China. Bibliographies and search engines all speak their own clear language: The notion of 'fratricide' is probably more appropriate in this regard. That of 'politicide', which Ted Gurr and Barbara Harff suggest, remains the most intelligent, although it implies by contrast that 'genocide' is not 'political', which is debatable.

These authors in effect explain that the aim of politicide is to impose total political domination over a group or a government. Its victims are defined by their position in the social hierarchy or their political opposition to the regime or this dominant group. Such an approach applies well to the political violence of communist powers and more particularly to Pol Pot's Democratic Kampuchea.

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The French historian Henri Locard in fact emphasises this, identifying with Gurr and Harff's approach in his work on Cambodia. However, the term 'politicide' has little currency among some researchers because it has no legal validity in international law. That is one reason why Jean-Louis Margolin tends to recognise what happened in Cambodia as 'genocide' because, as he points out, to speak of 'politicide' amounts to considering Pol Pot's crimes as less grave than those of Hitler. Again, the weight of justice interferes in the debate about concepts that, once again, argue strongly in favour of using the word genocide.

But those so concerned about the issue of legal sanctions should also take into account another legal concept that is just as powerful, and better established: In fact, legal scholars such as Antoine Garapon and David Boyle believe that the violence perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge is much more appropriately categorised under the heading of crime against humanity, even if genocidal tendencies can be identified, particularly against the Muslim minority.

This accusation is just as serious as that of genocide the latter moreover being sometimes considered as a subcategory of the former and should thus be subject to equally severe sentences. I quite agree with these legal scholars, believing that the notion of 'crime against humanity' is generally better suited to the violence perpetrated by communist regimes, a viewpoint shared by Michael Mann.

On the surface, everything looks good: If we are talking numbers, comparative genocide studies are indeed a success. Upon closer examination, however, genocide scholarship is ridden with contradictions. There is barely any other field of study that enjoys so little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe. Considering that scholars have always put stress on prevention of genocide, comparative genocide studies have been a failure. Paradoxically, nobody has attempted so far to assess the field of comparative genocide studies as a whole.

This is one of the reasons why those who define themselves as genocide scholars have not been able to detect the situation of crisis. Most vulnerable minorities around the world had been so defined when Lemkin was crafting his genocide framework, and when UN member states were drafting the Genocide Convention.

But it became increasingly apparent that political groups were on the receiving end of some of the worst campaigns of mass killing, such as the devastating assault on the Indonesian Communist Party in — with half a million to one million killed , and the brutal campaigns by Latin American and Asian military regimes against perceived dissidents in the s and s. One result of this re-evaluation was that the mass killing by the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between and , previously ruled out as genocide or designated an 'auto-genocide' because most victims belonged to the same ethnic-Khmer group as their killers, came to be accepted as a classic instance of twentieth-century genocide.

Detailed investigations were also launched into the hecatombs of casualties inflicted under Leninism and Stalinism in the post-revolutionary Soviet Union, and by Mao Zedong's communists in China. In both of these cases—and to some degree in Cambodia as well—the majority of deaths resulted not from direct execution, but from the infliction of 'conditions of life calculated to bring about [the] physical destruction' of a group, in the language of Article II c of the Genocide Convention.

In particular, the devastating famines that struck the Ukraine and other minority regions of the USSR in the early s, and the even greater death-toll—numbering tens of millions—caused by famine during Mao's 'Great Leap Forward' — , were increasingly, though not uncontroversially, depicted as instances of mass killing underpinned by genocidal intent. Rummel , has a very similar concept, 'democide', which includes such genocide and geno-politicide done by the government forces, plus other killing by government forces, such as random killing not targeted at a particular group.

Hence, 'to cover all such murder as well as genocide and politicide, I use the concept democide. This is the intentional killing of people by government' Rummel, So Rummel has a broader concept than geno-politicide, but one that seems to include geno-politicide as a proper subset. Although genocide can be understood to be a species of politicide but not the converse , in practice, genocidal i. In this distinction, I follow Harff and Gurr ,