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Never did the Anglo-Saxons really treat us as real allies. They never consulted us, government to government, on any of their provisions. For political purpose or by convenience, they sought to use the French forces for their own goals, as if these forces belonged to them, alleging that they had provided weapons to them [ I deliberately adopted a stiffened and hardened attitude In addition, de Gaulle harboured a suspicion of the British in particular, believing that they were seeking to seize France's colonial possessions in the Levant.
Winston Churchill was often frustrated at what he perceived as de Gaulle's patriotic arrogance, but also wrote of his "immense admiration" for him during the early days of his British exile. Although their relationship later became strained, Churchill tried to explain the reasons for de Gaulle's behaviour in the second volume of his history of World War II:. He felt it was essential to his position before the French people that he should maintain a proud and haughty demeanour towards " perfidious Albion ", although in exile, dependent upon our protection and dwelling in our midst.
He had to be rude to the British to prove to French eyes that he was not a British puppet. He certainly carried out this policy with perseverance. De Gaulle described his adversarial relationship with Churchill in these words: Churchill gets angry when he is wrong. We are angry at each other much of the time. De Gaulle said that the French people thought he was a reincarnation of Joan of Arc, to which Churchill replied that the English had had to burn the last one.
After his initial support, Churchill, emboldened by American antipathy to the French general, urged his War Cabinet to remove de Gaulle as leader of the French resistance. But the War Cabinet warned Churchill that a precipitate break with de Gaulle would have a disastrous effect on the whole resistance movement. By autumn , Churchill had to acknowledge that de Gaulle had won the struggle for leadership of Free France.
De Gaulle's relations with Washington were even more strained. President Roosevelt for a long time refused to recognize de Gaulle as the representative of France, insisting on negotiations with the Vichy government. At the Casablanca Conference , Roosevelt forced de Gaulle to cooperate with Giraud, but de Gaulle was considered as the undisputed leader of the Resistance by the French people and Giraud was progressively deprived of his political and military roles. British and Soviet allies were outraged that the US president unilaterally recognised the new government of a former enemy before de Gaulle's one and both recognised the French government in retaliation, forcing Roosevelt to recognise de Gaulle in late , [] but Roosevelt managed to exclude de Gaulle from the Yalta Conference.
On take-off, the bomber's tail dropped, and the plane nearly crashed into the airfield's embankment. Only the skill of the pilot, who became aware of sabotage on takeoff, saved them. On inspection, it was found that aeroplane's separator rod had been sabotaged, using acid. Publicly, blame for the incident was cast on German intelligence [] however behind closed doors de Gaulle blamed the Western Allies, and later told colleagues that he no longer had confidence in them. He became first joint head with the less resolutely independent General Henri Giraud , the candidate preferred by the US who wrongly suspected de Gaulle of being a British puppet and then—after squeezing out Giraud by force of personality—sole chairman of the French Committee of National Liberation.
As preparations for the liberation of Europe gathered pace, the US in particular found de Gaulle's tendency to view everything from the French perspective to be extremely tiresome. Roosevelt, who refused to recognize any provisional authority in France until elections had been held, referred to de Gaulle as "an apprentice dictator", a view backed by a number of leading Frenchmen in Washington, including Jean Monnet , who later became an instrumental figure in the setting up of the European Coal and Steel Community that led to the modern European Union.
Roosevelt directed Churchill to not provide de Gaulle with strategic details of the imminent invasion because he did not trust him to keep the information to himself. French codes were considered weak, posing a risk since the Free French refused to use British or American codes. Nevertheless, a few days before D-Day, Churchill, whose relationship with the General had deteriorated since he arrived in Britain, decided he needed to keep him informed of developments, and on 2 June he sent two passenger aircraft and his representative, Duff Cooper to Algiers to bring de Gaulle back to Britain.
De Gaulle refused because of Roosevelt's intention to install a provisional Allied military government in the former occupied territories pending elections, but he eventually relented and flew to Britain the next day. Upon his arrival at RAF Northolt on 4 June he received an official welcome, and a letter reading "My dear general! Welcome to these shores, very great military events are about to take place! De Gaulle became worried that the German withdrawal from France might lead to a breakdown of law and order in the country and even a possible communist takeover.
De Gaulle was very concerned that an American takeover of the French administration would just provoke a communist uprising. Churchill then lost his temper, saying that Britain would always be an ally to the United States, and that under the circumstances, if they had to choose between France and the US, Britain would always choose the latter. De Gaulle replied that he realised this would always be the case.
The next day, de Gaulle refused to address the French nation as the script again made no mention of his being the legitimate interim ruler of France. It instructed the French people to obey Allied military authorities until elections could be held, and so the row continued, with de Gaulle calling Churchill a "gangster". Churchill accused de Gaulle of treason in the height of battle, and demanded that he be flown back to Algiers "in chains if necessary".
De Gaulle and Churchill had a complex relationship during the wartime period. De Gaulle did show respect and admiration for Churchill, and even some light humorous interactions between the two have been noted by observers such as Duff Cooper, the British Ambassador to the French Committee of Liberation. In Casablanca in , Churchill supported de Gaulle as the embodiment of a French Army that was otherwise defeated, stating that "De Gaulle is the spirit of that Army. Perhaps the last survivor of a warrior race.
In the years to come, the sometimes hostile, sometimes friendly dependent wartime relationship of de Gaulle and his future political peers reenacted the historical national and colonial rivalry and lasting enmity between the French and the British, [] and foreshadowed the deep distrust of France for post-war Anglo-American partnerships.
De Gaulle ignored les Anglo-Saxons , and proclaimed the authority of Free France over the metropolitan territory the next day. Initially landing as part of Operation Dragoon , in the south of France, the French First Army helped to liberate almost one third of the country and participated in the invasion and occupation of Germany. As the invasion slowly progressed and the Germans were pushed back, de Gaulle made preparations to return to France. On 14 June , he left Britain for France for what was supposed to be a one-day trip.
Despite an agreement that he would take only two staff, he was accompanied by a large entourage with extensive luggage, and although many rural Normans remained mistrustful of him, he was warmly greeted by the inhabitants of the towns he visited, such as the badly damaged Isigny. Finally he arrived at the city of Bayeux , which he now proclaimed as the capital of Free France. Appointing his Aide-de-Camp Francois Coulet as head of the civil administration, de Gaulle returned to the UK that same night on a French destroyer, and although the official position of the supreme military command remained unchanged, local Allied officers found it more practical to deal with the fledgling administration in Bayeux in everyday matters.
At the beginning of July he at last visited Roosevelt in Washington, where he received the gun salute of a senior military leader rather than the 21 guns of a visiting head of state. The visit was 'devoid of trust on both sides' according to the French representative, [2] however, Roosevelt did make some concessions towards recognising the legitimacy of the Bayeux administration.
Meanwhile, with the Germans retreating in the face of the Allied onslaught, harried all the way by the resistance, there were widespread instances of revenge attacks on those accused of collaboration. A number of prominent officials and members of the feared Milice were murdered, often by exceptionally brutal means, provoking the Germans into appalling reprisals, such as in the destruction of the village of Oradour-sur-Glane and the killing of its inhabitants. Liberation of the French capital was not high on the Allies' list of priorities as it had comparatively little strategic value, but both de Gaulle and the commander of the French 2nd Armored Division, General Philippe Leclerc were still extremely concerned about a communist takeover.
De Gaulle successfully lobbied for Paris to be made a priority for liberation on humanitarian grounds and obtained from Allied Supreme Commander General Dwight D. Eisenhower an agreement that French troops would be allowed to enter the capital first. A few days later, General Leclerc's division entered the outskirts of the city, and after six days of fighting in which the resistance played a major part, the German garrison of men surrendered on 25 August, although some sporadic outbreaks of fighting continued for several days.
General Dietrich von Choltitz , the commander of the garrison, was instructed by Hitler to raze the city to the ground, however, he simply ignored the order and surrendered his forces. It was fortunate for de Gaulle that the Germans had forcibly removed members of the Vichy government and taken them to Germany a few days earlier on 20 August; it allowed him to enter Paris as a liberator in the midst of the general euphoria, [] but there were serious concerns that communist elements of the resistance, which had done so much to clear the way for the military, would try to seize the opportunity to proclaim their own 'Peoples' Government' in the capital.
De Gaulle made contact with Leclerc and demanded the presence of the 2nd Armoured Division to accompany him on a massed parade down the Champs Elysees , "as much for prestige as for security". In the event, the American General Omar Bradley decided that Leclerc's division would be indispensable for the maintenance of order and the liquidation of the last pockets of resistance in the French capital. As his procession came along the Place de la Concorde on Saturday 26 August, it came under machine gun fire by Vichy militia and fifth columnists who were unable to give themselves up.
Later, on entering the Notre Dame Cathedral to be received as head of the provisional government by the Committee of Liberation, loud shots broke out again, and Leclerc and Koenig tried to hustle him through the door, but de Gaulle shook off their hands and never faltered. While the battle began outside, he walked slowly down the aisle. Before he had gone far a machine pistol fired down from above, at least two more joined in, and from below the FFI and police fired back. A BBC correspondent who was present reported;. He is being received General de Gaulle walked straight ahead into what appeared to me to be a hail of fire It was the most extraordinary example of courage I have ever seen Paris outraged, Paris broken, Paris martyred, but Paris liberated!
Liberated by itself, liberated by its people with the assistance of the armies of France, with the support and assistance of the whole of France! The enemy is faltering but he is not yet beaten. He is still on our soil. It will not suffice that we, with the assistance of our dear and admirable allies, will have chased him from our home in order to be satisfied after what has happened.
We want to enter his territory, as is fitting, as conquerors. It is for this revenge, this vengeance and this justice, that we will continue to fight until the last day, until the day of the total and complete victory. That evening, the Wehrmacht launched a massive aerial and artillery barrage of Paris in revenge, leaving several thousand dead or injured. This he did 'not without some satisfaction', [] and so, on 29 August, the US 28th Infantry Division was rerouted from its journey to the front line and paraded down the Champs Elysees.
The same day, Washington and London agreed to accept the position of the Free French. The following day General Eisenhower gave his de facto blessing with a visit to the General in Paris. Eisenhower, unlike Roosevelt, wanted to cooperate with de Gaulle, and he secured a last-minute promise from the President on the eve of D-Day that the Allied officers would not act as military governors and would instead cooperate with the local authorities as the Allied forces liberated French Territory.
With the prewar parties and most of their leaders discredited, there was little opposition to de Gaulle and his associates forming an interim administration. In order not to be seen as presuming on his position in such austere times, de Gaulle did not use one of the grand official residences such as Hotel de Matignon or the presidential palace on the Elysee, but resided briefly in his old office at the War Ministry. Living conditions immediately after the liberation were even worse than under German rule.
Large-scale public demonstrations erupted all over France, protesting the apparent lack of action at improving the supply of food, while in Normandy, bakeries were pillaged. The problem was not French agriculture, which had largely continued operating without problems, but the near-total breakdown of the country's infrastructure.
Large areas of track had been destroyed by bombing, most modern equipment, rolling stock, lorries and farm animals had been taken to Germany and all the bridges over the Seine , the Loire and the Rhone between Paris and the sea had been destroyed. The black market pushed real prices to four times the level of , causing the government to print money to try to improve the money supply, which only added to inflation.
On 10 November , Churchill flew to Paris to a reception by de Gaulle and the two together were greeted by thousands of cheering Parisians on the next day. At an official luncheon de Gaulle said, "It is true that we would not have seen [the liberation] if our old and gallant ally England, and all the British dominions under precisely the impulsion and inspiration of those we are honouring today, had not deployed the extraordinary determination to win, and that magnificent courage which saved the freedom of the world. There is no French man or woman who is not touched to the depths of their hearts and souls by this.
After the celebrations had died down, de Gaulle began conferring with leading Resistance figures who, with the Germans gone, intended to continue as a political and military force, and asked to be given a government building to serve as their headquarters.
The Resistance, in which the Communists were competing with other trends for leadership, had developed its own manifesto for social and political change known as the National Council of the Resistance CNR Charter, and wanted special status to enter the army under their own flags, ranks and honours. Despite their decisive support in backing him against Giraud, de Gaulle disappointed some of the Resistance leaders by telling them that although their efforts and sacrifices had been recognised, they had no further role to play and, that unless they joined the regular army, they should lay down their arms and return to civilian life.
Believing them to be a dangerous revolutionary force, de Gaulle moved to break up the liberation committees and other militias. The communists were not only extremely active, but they received a level of popular support that disturbed de Gaulle. The president of the prewar Senate Jules Jeanneney was brought back as second-ranking member, but because of their links with Russia, de Gaulle allowed the Communists only two minor positions in his government.
While they were now a major political force with over a million members, of the full cabinet of 22 men, only Augustin Laurent and Charles Tillon —who as head of Francs-Tireurs et Partisans had been one of the most active members of the resistance—were given ministries. However, de Gaulle did pardon the Communists' leader Maurice Thorez , who had been sentenced to death in absentia by the French government for desertion.
On his return home from Russia, Thorez delivered a speech supporting de Gaulle in which he said that for the present, the war against Germany was the only task that mattered. There were also a number of new faces in the government, including a literary academic, Georges Pompidou , who had written to one of de Gaulle's recruiting agents offering his services, and Jean Monnet, who in spite of his past opposition to the General now recognized the need for unity and served as Commissioner for Economic Planning.
Controversially, de Gaulle also appointed Maurice Papon as Commissioner for Aquitaine in spite of his involvement in the deportation of Jews while serving as a senior police official in the Vichy regime during the occupation. Over the years, Papon remained in high official positions but continued to be implicated in controversial events such as the Paris massacre of , [] eventually being convicted of crimes against humanity in In social policy, legislation was introduced [ by whom?
De Gaulle's policy was to postpone elections as long as 2. In mid-September, he embarked upon a tour of major provincial cities to increase his public profile and to help cement his position. Raymond Aubrac said that the General showed himself to be ill-at-ease at social functions; in Marseille and Lyon he became irate when he had to sit next to former Resistance leaders and also voiced his distaste for the rowdy, libidinous behavior of French youths during the Maquisard parades which preceded his speech.
During the tour, de Gaulle showed his customary lack of concern for his own safety by mixing with the crowds and thus making himself an easy target for an assassin. Although he was naturally shy, the good use of amplification and patriotic music enabled him to deliver his message that though all of France was fragmented and suffering, together they would rise again. During every speech he would stop halfway through to invite the crowd to join him in singing La Marseillaise , before continuing and finishing by raising his hands in the air and crying "Vive la France!
As the war entered the final stages, the nation was forced to confront the reality of how many of its people had behaved under German rule. In France, collaborators were more severely punished than in most other occupied countries. Women who got this treatment were lucky as many others were simply attacked by lynch mobs. With so many of their former members having been hunted down and killed by the Nazis and paramilitary Milice, the Partisans had already summarily executed an estimated 4, people, [] and the Communists in particular continued to press for severe action against collaborators.
In Paris alone, over , people were at some time detained on suspicion of collaboration, although most were later released. Knowing that he would need to reprieve many of the 'economic collaborators'—such as police and civil servants who held minor roles under Vichy in order to keep the country running as normally as possible—he assumed, as head of state, the right to commute death sentences.
De Gaulle commuted of the 1, capital sentences submitted before him, including all those involving women. Many others were given jail terms or had their voting rights and other legal privileges taken away. It is generally agreed that the purges were conducted arbitrarily, with often absurdly severe or overly lenient punishments being handed down.
Later, there was the question of what to do with the former Vichy leaders when they were finally returned to France. Three Vichy leaders were executed. Joseph Darnand , who became an SS officer and led the Milice paramilitaries who hunted down members of the Resistance, was executed in October Fernand de Brinon , the third-ranking Vichy official, was found guilty of war crimes and executed in April The two trials of the most infamous collaborator of all, Pierre Laval , who was heavily implicated in the murder of Jews, were widely criticised as being unfair for depriving him of the opportunity to properly defend himself, although Laval antagonized the court throughout with his bizarre behavior.
He was found guilty of treason in May and de Gaulle was adamant that there would be no commuting the death sentence, saying that Laval's execution was "an indispensable symbolic gesture required for reasons of state". There was a widespread belief, particularly in the years that followed, that de Gaulle was trying to appease both the Third Republic politicians and the former Vichy leaders who had made Laval their scapegoat. The winter of —45 was especially difficult for most of the population.
Inflation showed no sign of slowing down and food shortages were severe. The prime minister and the other Gaullists were forced to try to balance the desires of ordinary people and public servants for a return to normal life with pressure from Bidault's MRP and the Communists for the large scale nationalisation programme and other social changes that formed the main tenets of the CNR Charter. At the end of the coal industry and other energy companies were nationalised, followed shortly afterwards by major banks and finance houses, the merchant navy, the main aircraft manufacturers, airlines and a number of major private enterprises such as the Renault car company at Boulogne-Billancourt , whose owner had been implicated as a collaborator and accused of having made huge profits working for the Nazis.
At de Gaulle's request, the newspaper Le Monde was founded in December to provide France with a quality daily journal similar to those in other countries. Le Monde took over the premises and facilities of the older Le Temps , whose independence and reputation had been badly compromised during the Vichy years.
This period is still remembered in France with some nostalgia as the peak of the Trente Glorieuses "Thirty Glorious Years" of economic growth between and On 31 May, Churchill told de Gaulle "immediately to order French troops to cease fire and withdraw to their barracks". France continued to carry out tests at the Algerian site until , under an agreement with the newly independent Algeria. It is popular worldwide and has been adapted for cinema, television, and stage shows. The publisher replied with a single!
During this period there were a number of minor disagreements between the French and the other Allies. The British ambassador to France Duff Cooper said that de Gaulle seemed to seek out real or imagined insults to take offence at whatever possible. In late October he complained that the Allies were failing to adequately arm and equip the new French army and instructed Bidault to use the French veto at the European Council.
On Armistice Day in , Winston Churchill made his first visit to France since the liberation and received a good reception in Paris where he laid a wreath to Georges Clemenceau. The occasion also marked the first official appearance of de Gaulle's wife Yvonne, but the visit was less friendly than it appeared. De Gaulle had instructed that there be no excessive displays of public affection towards Churchill and no official awards without his prior agreement. When crowds cheered Churchill during a parade down the Elysee, de Gaulle was heard to remark, "Fools and cretins! Look at the rabble cheering the old bandit".
With the Russian forces making more rapid advances into German-held territory than the Allies, there was a sudden public realisation that the Soviet Union was about to dominate large parts of eastern Europe. In fact, at the Cairo and Tehran Conferences in Britain and America had already agreed to allow Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary to fall under the Soviet sphere of influence after the war, with shared influence in Yugoslavia. De Gaulle and his Foreign Minister Bidault stated that they were not in favour of a 'Western Bloc' that would be separate from the rest of Europe, and hoped that a resurgent France might be able to act as a 'third force' in Europe to temper the ambitions of the two emerging superpowers, America and Soviet Union.
In his memoirs, de Gaulle devoted 24 pages to his visit to the Soviet Union, but a number of writers make the point that his version of events differs significantly from that of the Soviets, of foreign news correspondents, and with their own eye-witness accounts. De Gaulle wanted access to German coal in the Ruhr as reparations after the war, the left bank of the Rhine to be incorporated into French territory, and for the Oder-Neisse line in Poland to become Germany's official eastern border.
De Gaulle began by requesting that France enter into a treaty with the Soviet Union on this basis, but Stalin, who remained in constant contact with Churchill throughout the visit, said that it would be impossible to make such an agreement without the consent of Britain and America. He suggested that it might be possible to add France's name to the existing Anglo-Soviet Agreement if they agreed to recognise the Soviet-backed provisional Polish government known as the Lublin Committee as rightful rulers of Poland, but de Gaulle refused on the grounds that this would be 'un-French', as it would mean it being a junior partner in an alliance.
Though the treaty which was eventually signed by Bidault and Molotov carried symbolic importance in that it enabled de Gaulle to demonstrate that he was recognised as the official head of state and show that France's voice was being heard abroad, it was of little relevance to Stalin due to France's lack of real political and military power; it did not affect the outcome of the post-war settlement. Stalin later commented that like Churchill and Roosevelt, he found de Gaulle to be awkward and stubborn and believed that he was 'not a complicated person' by which he meant that he was an old-style nationalist.
At the end of French forces continued to advance as part of the American armies, but during the Ardennes Offensive there was a dispute over Eisenhower's order to French troops to evacuate Strasbourg , which had just been liberated so as to straighten the defensive line against the German counterattack. By early it was clear that the price controls which had been introduced to control inflation had only served to boost the black market and prices continued to move ever upwards.
By this time the army had swelled to over 1. De Gaulle was never invited to the summit conferences of Allied leaders such as Yalta and Potsdam. He never forgave the Big Three leaders Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin for their neglect and continued to rage against it as having been a negative factor in European politics for the rest of his life. After the Rhine crossings , the French First Army captured a large section of territory in southern Germany, but although this later allowed France to play a part in the signing of the German surrender, Roosevelt in particular refused to allow any discussion about de Gaulle participating in the Big Three conferences that would shape Europe in the post-war world.
Churchill pressed hard for France to be included 'at the inter-allied table', but on 6 December the American president wired both Stalin and Churchill to say that de Gaulle's presence would "merely introduce a complicating and undesirable factor". At the Yalta Conference in February , despite Stalin's opposition, Churchill and Roosevelt insisted that France be allowed a post-war occupation zone in Germany, and also made sure that it was included among the five nations that invited others to the conference to establish the United Nations.
On his way back from Yalta, Roosevelt asked de Gaulle to meet him in Algiers for talks. The General refused, believing that there was nothing more to be said, and for this he received a rebuke from Georges Bidault and from the French press, and a severely angered Roosevelt criticised de Gaulle to Congress. Soon after, on 12 April , Roosevelt died, and despite their uneasy relationship de Gaulle declared a week of mourning in France and forwarded an emotional and conciliatory letter to the new American president, Harry S.
Truman , in which he said of Roosevelt, "all of France loved him". De Gaulle's relationship with Truman was to prove just as difficult as it had been with Roosevelt. With Allied forces advancing deep into Germany, another serious situation developed between American and French forces in Stuttgart and Karlsruhe , when French soldiers were ordered to transfer the occupation zones to US troops.
Wishing to retain as much German territory in French hands as possible, de Gaulle ordered his troops, who were using American weapons and ammunition, to resist, and an armed confrontation seemed imminent. De Gaulle never forgave Truman and hinted he would work closely with Stalin, leading Truman to tell his staff, "I don't like the son of a bitch. The first visit by de Gaulle to Truman in the U. Truman told his visitor that it was time that the French got rid of the Communist influence from its government, to which de Gaulle replied that this was France's own business.
In May the German armies surrendered to the Americans and British at Rheims, and a separate armistice was signed with France in Berlin. However, among the vehicles that took part was an ambulance from the Hadfield-Spears Ambulance Unit , staffed by French doctors and British nurses. A number of French troops returned their medals in protest and Mary wrote, "it is a pitiful business when a great man suddenly becomes small.
Another confrontation with the Americans broke out soon after the armistice when the French sent troops to occupy the French-speaking Italian border region of Val d'Aoste. The French commander threatened to open fire on American troops if they tried to stop them, and an irate Truman ordered the immediate end to all arms shipments to France. Truman sent de Gaulle an angry letter saying that he found it unbelievable that the French could threaten to attack American troops after they had done so much to liberate France.
A dispute with Britain over control of Syria and Lebanon quickly developed into an unpleasant diplomatic incident that demonstrated France's weaknesses. In May, de Gaulle sent General Beynet to establish an air base in Syria and a naval base in Lebanon, provoking an outbreak of nationalism in which some French nationals were attacked and killed. On 20 May, French artillery and warplanes fired on demonstrators in Damascus.
After several days, upwards of Syrians lay dead. Churchill's relationship with de Gaulle was now at rock bottom. In January he told a colleague that he believed that de Gaulle was "a great danger to peace and for Great Britain. After five years of experience, I am convinced that he is the worst enemy of France in her troubles I am sure that in the long run no understanding will be reached with General de Gaulle". On 31 May, Churchill told de Gaulle "immediately to order French troops to cease fire and withdraw to their barracks".
British forces moved in and forced the French to withdraw from the city; they were then escorted and confined to barracks. The secretary of the Arab League Edward Atiyah said, "France put all her cards and two rusty pistols on the table". That cannot be forgotten". At the Potsdam Conference in July, to which de Gaulle was not invited, a decision was made to divide Vietnam, which had been a French colony for over a hundred years, into British and Chinese spheres of influence.
However, the resistance leaders in Indo-China proclaimed the freedom and independence of Vietnam, and a civil war broke out that lasted until France was defeated in Since the liberation, the only parliament in France had been an enlarged version of the Algiers Consultative Assembly, and at last, in October , elections were held for a new Constituent Assembly whose main task was to provide a new constitution for the Fourth Republic. De Gaulle favoured a strong executive for the nation, [17] but all three of the main parties wished to severely restrict the powers of the president.
The Communists wanted an assembly with full constitutional powers and no time limit, whereas de Gaulle, the Socialists and the Popular Republican Movement MRP advocated one with a term limited to only seven months, after which the draft constitution would be submitted for another referendum. In the election , the second option was approved by 13 million of the 21 million voters. On 13 November , the new assembly unanimously elected Charles de Gaulle head of the government, but problems immediately arose when it came to selecting the cabinet, due to his unwillingness once more to allow the Communists any important ministries.
The Communists, now the largest party and with their charismatic leader Maurice Thorez back at the helm, were not prepared to accept this for a second time, and a furious row ensued, during which de Gaulle sent a letter of resignation to the speaker of the Assembly and declared that he was unwilling to trust a party that he considered to be an agent of a foreign power Russia with authority over the police and armed forces of France.
Eventually, the new cabinet was finalised on 21 November, with the Communists receiving five out of the twenty-two ministries, and although they still did not get any of the key portfolios. De Gaulle believed that the draft constitution placed too much power in the hands of parliament with its shifting party alliances. One of his ministers said he was "a man equally incapable of monopolizing power as of sharing it".
De Gaulle outlined a programme of further nationalisations and a new economic plan which were passed, but a further row came when the Communists demanded a 20 percent reduction in the military budget. Refusing to "rule by compromise", de Gaulle once more threatened to resign. There was a general feeling that he was trying to blackmail the assembly into complete subservience by threatening to withdraw his personal prestige which he insisted was what alone kept the ruling coalition together. Barely two months after forming the new government, de Gaulle abruptly resigned on 20 January The move was called "a bold and ultimately foolish political ploy", with de Gaulle hoping that as a war hero, he would be soon brought back as a more powerful executive by the French people.
With the war finally over, the initial period of crisis had passed. Although there were still shortages, particularly of bread, France was now on the road to recovery, and de Gaulle suddenly did not seem so indispensable. The Communist publication Combat wrote, "There was no cataclysm, and the empty plate didn't crack".
After monopolizing French politics for six years, Charles de Gaulle suddenly dropped out of sight, and returned to his home to write his war memoirs. De Gaulle had told Pierre Bertaux in that he planned to retire because "France may still one day need an image that is pure If Joan of Arc had married, she would no longer have been Joan of Arc". During this period of formal retirement, however, de Gaulle maintained regular contact with past political lieutenants from wartime and RPF days, including sympathizers involved in political developments in French Algeria, becoming "perhaps the best-informed man in France".
Despite the new party's taking 40 percent of the vote in local elections and seats in , lacking its own press and access to television, its support ebbed away. In May , he withdrew again from active politics, [17] though the RPF lingered until September As with all colonial powers France began to lose its overseas possessions amid the surge of nationalism. French Indochina now Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia , colonised by France during the midth century, had been lost to the Japanese after the defeat of De Gaulle had intended to hold on to France's Indochina colony, ordering the parachuting of French agents and arms into Indochina in late and early with orders to attack the Japanese as American troops hit the beaches.
It was largely funded by the United States and grew increasingly unpopular, especially after the stunning defeat at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu. Within a few years, the Algerian war of independence reached a summit in terms of savagery and bloodshed and threatened to spill into metropolitan France itself. Between and the Fourth Republic had 24 separate ministries. Frustrated by the endless divisiveness, de Gaulle famously asked "How can you govern a country which has varieties of cheese? The Fourth Republic was wracked by political instability, failures in Indochina , and inability to resolve the Algerian question.
On 13 May , the Pied-Noir settlers seized the government buildings in Algiers, attacking what they saw as French government weakness in the face of demands among the Arab majority for Algerian independence. General Raoul Salan , Commander-in-Chief in Algeria, announced on radio that he was assuming provisional power, and appealed for confidence in himself.
At a 19 May press conference, de Gaulle asserted again that he was at the disposal of the country. As a journalist expressed the concerns of some who feared that he would violate civil liberties, de Gaulle retorted vehemently: On the contrary, I have re-established them when they had disappeared. Who honestly believes that, at age 67, I would start a career as a dictator? De Gaulle did not wish to repeat the difficulty the Free French movement experienced in establishing legitimacy as the rightful government.
He told an aide that the rebel generals "will not find de Gaulle in their baggage".
The crisis deepened as French paratroops from Algeria seized Corsica and a landing near Paris was discussed Operation Resurrection. I ask General de Gaulle to confer with the head of state and to examine with him what, in the framework of Republican legality, is necessary for the immediate formation of a government of national safety and what can be done, in a fairly short time, for a deep reform of our institutions.
Another condition was that he be granted extraordinary powers for a period of six months. De Gaulle remained intent on replacing the weak constitution of the Fourth Republic. He is sometimes described as the author of the new constitution , as he commissioned it and was responsible for its overall framework. On 1 June , de Gaulle became Prime Minister and was given emergency powers for six months by the National Assembly , [] fulfilling his desire for parliamentary legitimacy. On 28 September , a referendum took place and The colonies Algeria was officially a part of France, not a colony were given the choice between immediate independence and the new constitution.
All African colonies voted for the new constitution and the replacement of the French Union by the French Community , except Guinea , which thus became the first French African colony to gain independence and immediately lost all French assistance. De Gaulle oversaw tough economic measures to revitalise the country, including the issuing of a new franc worth old francs. On 23 November , in a speech in Strasbourg , de Gaulle announced his vision for Europe:. His expression, "Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals", has often been cited throughout the history of European integration.
It became, for the next ten years, a favourite political rallying cry of de Gaulle's. His vision stood in contrast to the Atlanticism of the United States and Britain, preferring instead a Europe that would act as a third pole between the United States and the Soviet Union.
As the last chief of government of the Fourth Republic, de Gaulle made sure that the Treaty of Rome creating the European Economic Community was fully implemented, and that the British project of Free Trade Area was rejected, to the extent that he was sometimes considered as a "Father of Europe" []. Upon becoming president, de Gaulle was faced with the urgent task of finding a way to bring to an end the bloody and divisive war in Algeria.
He had immediately visited Algeria and declared, Je vous ai compris —'I have understood you', and each competing interest had wished to believe it was them that he had understood. The settlers assumed he supported them, and would be stunned when he did not. In Paris, the left wanted independence for Algeria. Although the military's near-coup had contributed to his return to power, de Gaulle soon ordered all officers to quit the rebellious Committees of Public Safety.
Such actions greatly angered the pieds-noirs and their military supporters. He faced uprisings in Algeria by the pied-noirs and the French armed forces. On assuming the prime minister role in June he immediately went to Algeria, and neutralised the army there, with its , soldiers. The Algiers Committee of Public Safety was loud in its demands on behalf of the settlers, but de Gaulle made more visits and sidestepped them.
For the long term he devised a plan to modernize Algeria's traditional economy, deescalated the war, and offered Algeria self-determination in A pied-noir revolt in failed, while another attempted coup failed in April French voters approved his course in a referendum on Algerian self-determination. De Gaulle arranged a cease-fire in Algeria with the March Evian Accords , legitimated by another referendum a month later. It gave victory to the FLN, which came to power and declared independence. The long crisis was over. France recognised Algerian independence on 3 July , while a blanket amnesty law was belatedly voted in , covering all crimes committed by the French army during the war.
In just a few months in , , Pied-Noirs left the country. After 5 July, the exodus accelerated in the wake of the French deaths during the Oran massacre of De Gaulle commented "Ils tirent comme des cochons" "They shoot like pigs". In September , de Gaulle sought a constitutional amendment to allow the president to be directly elected by the people and issued another referendum to this end. After a motion of censure voted by the parliament on 4 October , de Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly and held new elections. De Gaulle's proposal to change the election procedure for the French presidency was approved at the referendum on 28 October by more than three-fifths of voters despite a broad "coalition of no" formed by most of the parties, opposed to a presidential regime.
Thereafter the president was to be elected by direct universal suffrage for the first time since Louis Napoleon in With the Algerian conflict behind him, de Gaulle was able to achieve his two main objectives, the reform and development of the French economy, and the promotion of an independent foreign policy and a strong presence on the international stage. This was named by foreign observers the "politics of grandeur" politique de grandeur.
In the immediate post-war years France was in poor shape; [] wages remained at around half prewar levels, the winter of — did extensive damage to crops, leading to a reduction in the bread ration, hunger and disease remained rife and the black market continued to flourish. Germany was in an even worse position, but after things began to improve dramatically with the introduction of Marshall Aid —large scale American financial assistance given to help rebuild European economies and infrastructure.
This laid the foundations of a meticulously planned program of investments in energy, transport and heavy industry, overseen by the government of Prime Minister Georges Pompidou. In the context of a population boom unseen in France since the 18th century, the government intervened heavily in the economy, using dirigisme —a unique combination of free-market and state-directed economy—with indicative five-year plans as its main tool. This was followed by a rapid transformation and expansion of the French economy.
High-profile projects, mostly but not always financially successful, were launched: Aided by these projects, the French economy recorded growth rates unrivalled since the 19th century. This period is still remembered in France with some nostalgia as the peak of the Trente Glorieuses "Thirty Glorious Years" of economic growth between and In , de Gaulle decreed a law that obliged all firms over certain sizes to distribute a small portion of their profits to their employees.
By , as a result of this measure, French employees received an average of francs per head, equivalent to 3. During his first tenure as president, de Gaulle became enthusiastic about the possibilities of nuclear power. However, partly due to communist influences in government opposed to proliferation, research stalled and France was excluded from American, British and Canadian nuclear efforts.
By October , the United Kingdom had become the third country—after the United States and the Soviet Union—to independently test and develop nuclear weapons.
This gave Britain the capability to launch a nuclear strike via its Vulcan bomber force and they began developing a ballistic missile program known as Blue Streak. As early as April while out of power, de Gaulle argued that France must have its own nuclear arsenal; at the time nuclear weapons were seen as a national status symbol and a way of maintaining international prestige with a place at the 'top table' of the United Nations.
France's independent Force de Frappe strike force came into being soon after de Gaulle's election with his authorization for the first nuclear test. With the cancellation of Blue Streak, the US agreed to supply Britain with its Skybolt and later Polaris weapons systems, and in the two nations signed the Mutual Defence Agreement forging close links which have seen the US and UK cooperate on nuclear security matters ever since. Although at the time it was still a full member of NATO, France proceeded to develop its own independent nuclear technologies—this would enable it to become a partner in any reprisals and would give it a voice in matters of atomic control.
After six years of effort, on 13 February France became the world's fourth nuclear power when a high-powered nuclear device was exploded in the Sahara some miles south-south-west of Algiers. France continued to carry out tests at the Algerian site until , under an agreement with the newly independent Algeria. It was stated that French nuclear force should be capable of firing "in all directions"—thus including even America as a potential target. This surprising statement was intended as a declaration of French national independence, and was in retaliation to a warning issued long ago by Dean Rusk that US missiles would be aimed at France if it attempted to employ atomic weapons outside an agreed plan.
However, criticism of de Gaulle was growing over his tendency to act alone with little regard for the views of others. With the onset of the Cold War and the perceived threat of invasion from the Soviet Union and the countries of the eastern bloc , the United States, Canada and a number of western European countries set up the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NATO to co-ordinate a military response to any possible attack.
France played a key role during the early days of the organisation, providing a large military contingent and agreeing—after much soul-searching—to the participation of West German forces. But after his election in Charles de Gaulle took the view that the organisation was too dominated by the US and UK, and that America would not fulfill its promise to defend Europe in the event of a Soviet invasion. De Gaulle demanded political parity with Britain and America in NATO, and for its geographic coverage to be extended to include French territories abroad, including Algeria, then experiencing civil war.
De Gaulle told Eisenhower: I will do everything I can to be helpful without being openly partisan. Lieutenant General Vernon A. Walters wrote that after Khrushchev left, "De Gaulle came over to Eisenhower and took him by the arm. He took me also by the elbow and, taking us a little apart, he said to Eisenhower, 'I do not know what Khrushchev is going to do, nor what is going to happen, but whatever he does, I want you to know that I am with you to the end. General Walters was struck by de Gaulle's "unconditional support" of the United States during that "crucial time".
In , de Gaulle visited the Soviet Union, where he hoped to establish France as an alternative influence in the Cold War. De Gaulle always viewed Communism as a passing phenomenon, and never used the term 'Soviet Union', always calling it Russia. In his view, Russian national interests rather than Communist ideology determined the decision-making in the Kremlin. Later, he proclaimed a new alliance between the nations, but although Soviet premier Alexei Kosygin later visited Paris, the Soviets clearly did not consider France a superpower and knew that they would remain dependent on the NATO alliance in the event of a war.
De Gaulle, haunted by the memories of , wanted France to remain the master of the decisions affecting it, unlike in the s when it had to follow in step with its British ally. He also ordered all foreign military personnel to leave France within a year. France, experiencing the disintegration of its colonial empire and severe problems in Algeria, turned towards Europe after Suez Crisis , and to West Germany in particular.
One of the conditions of Marshall Aid was that the nations' leaders must co-ordinate economic efforts and pool the supply of raw materials. By far the most critical commodities in driving growth were coal and steel. France assumed it would receive large amounts of high-quality German coal from the Ruhr as reparations for the war, but the US refused to allow this, fearing a repetition of the bitterness after the Treaty of Versailles which partly caused World War II.
Under the inspiration of the French statesmen Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman , together with the German leader Konrad Adenauer , the rift between the two nations had begun to heal and along with Italy and the Benelux countries, they formed the European Coal and Steel Community , which following the Treaty of Rome of became the European Economic Community , also known as the Common Market, launched soon before de Gaulle's return to power. De Gaulle had not been instrumental in setting up the new organization and, from the start, he opposed efforts by fellow EEC member countries to move toward some form of political integration that, in de Gaulle's thinking, would impinge on the sovereignty of France, both internally and externally.
To counter those supranational tendencies that he disparaged, [] he put forward in the so-called Fouchet Plan that maintained all decision-making powers in the hands of governments, reducing the projected European parliamentary assembly to a mere consultative assembly. As expected, the plan was rejected by France's partners.
In July de Gaulle provoked a major six-month crisis when he ordered the boycott of EEC institutions see Empty chair crisis below until his demands — the withdrawal of a European Commission proposal to reinforce the community institutions to the detriment of national sovereignty, and the acceptance of France's proposal regarding the financing of the newly established Common Agricultural Policy CAP — were met with the Luxembourg compromise.
De Gaulle, who in spite of recent history admired Germany and spoke excellent German, [] as well as English, [] established a good relationship with the aging West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer—culminating in the Elysee Treaty in —and in the first few years of the Common Market, France's industrial exports to the other five members tripled and its farm export almost quadrupled. The franc became a solid, stable currency for the first time in half a century, and the economy mostly boomed. Adenauer however, all too aware of the importance of American support in Europe, gently distanced himself from the general's more extreme ideas, wanting no suggestion that any new European community would in any sense challenge or set itself at odds with the US In Adenauer's eyes, the support of the US was more important than any question of European prestige.
Great Britain initially declined to join the Common Market, preferring to remain with another organisation known as the European Free Trade Area , mostly consisting of the northern European countries and Portugal. De Gaulle vetoed the British application to join the European Economic Community EEC in , famously uttering the single word 'non' into the television cameras at the critical moment, a statement used to sum up French opposition towards Britain for many years afterwards.
He later complained privately that "all our plans are in tatters". American President John F. Kennedy urged de Gaulle to accept the United Kingdom in the EEC, stating that a Europe without Great Britain would create a situation in which the United States were bearing the enormous costs of Europe's protection without any voice.
British Prime Minister Churchill once said to him that if he had the choice between France and the United States, he would always choose the United States. As it appears that Churchill's successor, Harold Macmillan , prioritised the rebuilding of the Anglo-American " Special Relationship ", with the recent American agreement to supply Britain with the Skybolt nuclear missile, it persuaded de Gaulle that the United Kingdom lacked the necessary political will to adhere to his bid for a West European strategic independence from the United States.
In addition, he demanded that the United Kingdom accept all the conditions laid down by the six existing members of the EEC Belgium, France, West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and revoke its commitments to countries within its own free trade area which France had not done with its own. He supported a deepening and an acceleration of Common Market integration rather than an expansion.
However, in this latter respect, a detailed study of the formative years of the EEC argues that the defence of French economic interests, especially in agriculture, in fact played a more dominant role in determining de Gaulle's stance towards British entry than the various political and foreign policy considerations that have often been cited. Dean Acheson believed that Britain made a grave error in not signing up to the European idea right from the start, and that they continued to suffer the political consequences for at least two decades afterwards.
However he also stated his belief that de Gaulle used the 'Common Market' as it was then termed as an "exclusionary device to direct European trade towards the interest of France and against that of the United States, Britain and other countries. Claiming continental European solidarity, de Gaulle again rejected British entry when they next applied to join the community in December under the Labour leadership of Harold Wilson. During negotiations, de Gaulle chided Britain for relying too much on the Americans, saying that sooner or later they would always do what was in their best interests.
Wilson said he then gently raised the spectre of the threat of a newly powerful Germany as a result of the EEC, which de Gaulle agreed was a risk. Hugo's rationalism can be found in poems such as Torquemada , about religious fanaticism , The Pope , anti-clerical , Religions and Religion , denying the usefulness of churches and, published posthumously, The End of Satan and God and respectively, in which he represents Christianity as a griffin and rationalism as an angel.
Although Hugo's many talents did not include exceptional musical ability, he nevertheless had a great impact on the music world through the inspiration that his works provided for composers of the 19th and 20th century. Hugo himself particularly enjoyed the music of Gluck and Weber. Two famous musicians of the 19th century were friends of Hugo: Hector Berlioz and Franz Liszt. The latter played Beethoven in Hugo's home, and Hugo joked in a letter to a friend that, thanks to Liszt's piano lessons, he learned how to play a favourite song on the piano — with only one finger.
Hugo also worked with composer Louise Bertin , writing the libretto for her opera La Esmeralda , which was based on the character in The Hunchback of Notre Dame. On the other hand, he had low esteem for Richard Wagner , whom he described as "a man of talent coupled with imbecility. Well over one thousand musical compositions have been inspired by Hugo's works from the 19th century until the present day.
In particular, Hugo's plays, in which he rejected the rules of classical theatre in favour of romantic drama, attracted the interest of many composers who adapted them into operas. More than one hundred operas are based on Hugo's works and among them are Donizetti 's Lucrezia Borgia , Verdi 's Rigoletto and Ernani , and Ponchielli 's La Gioconda Today, Hugo's work continues to stimulate musicians to create new compositions. Remarkably, not only Hugo's literary production has been the source of inspiration for musical works, but also his political writings have received attention from musicians and have been adapted to music.
When Hugo returned to Paris in , the country hailed him as a national hero. He was confident that he would be offered the dictatorship , as shown by the notes he kept at the time. Throughout his life Hugo kept believing in unstoppable humanistic progress. In his last public address on 3 August he prophesied in an over-optimistic way, "In the twentieth century war will be dead, the scaffold will be dead, hatred will be dead, frontier boundaries will be dead, dogmas will be dead; man will live. His faithful mistress, Juliette Drouet , died in , only two years before his own death.
Despite his personal loss, Hugo remained committed to the cause of political change. On 30 January , he was elected to the newly created Senate. This last phase of his political career was considered a failure. Hugo was a maverick and achieved little in the Senate. Hugo suffered a mild stroke on 27 June On 27 June, one of the largest parades in French history was held.
The paraders marched for six hours past Hugo as he sat at the window at his house. On 20 May , le Petit Journal published the official medical bulletin on Hugo's health condition. Hugo's death from pneumonia on 22 May , at the age of 83, generated intense national mourning. He was not only revered as a towering figure in literature, he was a statesman who shaped the Third Republic and democracy in France.
All his life he remained a defender of liberty, equality and fraternity as well as an adamant champion of French culture. In , aged 75, he wrote, "I am not one of these sweet-tempered old men. I am still exasperated and violent. I shout and I feel indignant and I cry. Woe to anyone who harms France! I do declare I will die a fanatic patriot. Most large French towns and cities have a street named after him. Je donne cinquante mille francs aux pauvres. Je crois en Dieu. I wish to be buried in their hearse. I refuse [funeral] orations from all Churches.
I ask all souls for a prayer. I believe in God. Hugo produced more than 4, drawings. Originally pursued as a casual hobby, drawing became more important to Hugo shortly before his exile when he made the decision to stop writing to devote himself to politics. Drawing became his exclusive creative outlet between and Hugo worked only on paper, and on a small scale; usually in dark brown or black pen-and-ink wash, sometimes with touches of white, and rarely with colour. The surviving drawings are surprisingly accomplished and "modern" in their style and execution, foreshadowing the experimental techniques of Surrealism and Abstract expressionism.
He would not hesitate to use his children's stencils, ink blots, puddles and stains, lace impressions, " pliage " or folding e. Rorschach blots , " grattage " or rubbing, often using the charcoal from matchsticks or his fingers instead of pen or brush. Sometimes he would even toss in coffee or soot to get the effects he wanted. Hugo kept his artwork out of the public eye, fearing it would overshadow his literary work.
However, he enjoyed sharing his drawings with his family and friends, often in the form of ornately handmade calling cards, many of which were given as gifts to visitors when he was in political exile. Some of his work was shown to, and appreciated by, contemporary artists such as van Gogh and Delacroix ; the latter expressed the opinion that if Hugo had decided to become a painter instead of a writer, he would have outshone the artists of their century. They lived together for nearly 46 years until she died in August From February until her death in , Juliette Drouet devoted her whole life to Victor Hugo, who never married her even after his wife died in He took her on his numerous trips and she followed him in exile on Guernsey.
There Hugo rented a house for her near Hauteville House , his family home. She wrote some 20, letters in which she expressed her passion or vented her jealousy on her womanizing lover. He left his children a note reading as follows:. She saved my life in December For me she underwent exile. Never has her soul forsaken mine. Let those who have loved me love her. Let those who have loved me respect her.
She is my widow. Both were caught in adultery on 5 July Hugo, who had been a Member of the Chamber of Peers since April, avoided condemnation whereas his mistress had to spend two months in prison and six in a convent. Many years after their separation, Hugo made a point of supporting her financially. Hugo gave free rein to his sensuality until a few weeks before his death.
He sought a wide variety of women of all ages, be they courtesans, actresses, prostitutes, admirers, servants or revolutionaries like Louise Michel for sexual activity. Both a graphomaniac and erotomaniac , he systematically reported his casual affairs using his own code, as Samuel Pepys did, to make sure they would remain secret. For instance, he resorted to Latin abbreviations osc. Analogy also enabled him to conceal the real meaning: A woman's Suisses Swiss are her breasts — due to the fact that Switzerland is renowned for its milk.
After a rendez-vous with a young woman named Laetitia he would write Joie Happiness in his diary. If he added t. Ville avec le pont de Tumbledown , "Town with Tumbledown Bridge" , Pieuvre avec les initiales V. Le Rocher de l'Ermitage dans un paysage imaginaire "Ermitage Rock in an imaginary landscape". Gavroche a onze ans , " Gavroche at eleven years old".
The house where he stayed in Vianden , Luxembourg, in has also become a commemorative museum. Avenue Victor-Hugo , located in Shawinigan , Quebec, was named to honour him. Victor Hugo is the namesake of the city of Hugoton, Kansas. British Railways perpetuated this memorial, naming Class 92 Electric Unit after him.
According to religious records, he was assigned by God to lead the foreign mission as part of God's Divine hierarchy. In all heavens, beauty reigns, Its beings possess much of divinity. Peace and harmony rule these realms, Their beings know not the word 'war'. Poems of Victor Hugo. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Victor Hugo disambiguation.
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