Anthropology - p. II (Italian Edition)

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Sociologist Renate Siebert , 12 claims that: A proper standard linked to the mental and cognitive dynamics that inform and deform our perception but also the sensitivity in our relations with others. Then our sense of responsibility toward people, that are to be viewed in their individuality and peculiarity not as black, Jewish, foreigners or Muslims , fails.

But those operating in the field of social professions need to take into account a further element essential for analysis of interpersonal dynamics: The body not really intended as a biological and material entity, but rather as the result of social, historical and cultural processes. Embodiment intended in a double sense: Culture is to be mutually intended both as the product of ideas, representations and material conditions, and as a bodily phenomenon and embodied experience Csordas In this regard, anthropology has stressed how culture builds the body, marks the external surface, modifies them inside and determines gestures, posture and movements.

Suffering and frustration, for example, are to be intended as individual feelings, but also and especially as social feelings, that is culturally informed and belonging to a larger conversational system. Race, in other words passes through bodies, skin, eyesight, smell and touch. Migratory phenomena have had effects on the way we think and build the relationship between identity and alterity, so much so that today we speak of multiple ways to build an identity: These are products of the tensions between local worlds and broader historical, economic and political scenarios Pandolfi, a cura di, This means that in the study of migratory experiences the ability of groups or individuals to be somehow located contemporaneously in more then one place should be included.

Therefore the worlds of immigrants, spatially separate but communicating, can be better understood only by means of multi-located ethnography, that is adopting a methodical outlook that multiplies the real and virtual places of ethnographic research and that focuses on the relationships between these Rossi , In fact, ethnography can follow in space and time, not only individuals and groups but also material objects, metaphors, narrative plots, life stories and conflicts by following the most recent indications of urban anthropology, indications about the fading of cultural confines and growing urban complexity Sobrero , Instead the presence of immigrants in the cities — created to emphasis the stability of the nation-state - indicates the existence of a dynamic relationship between urban life and the creation of new identities not necessarily foreseen or approved by the nation-state Herzfeld In the first place, restoring to the city its heterogeneous and fluid character, able to create new forms of symbolic and political mobilization.

Finally, relocating the stereotype of the nation into movements of non-integrated citizens. An innovative experience was conducted by the town of Peccioli, Toscana, where communication has been promoted with the Nzema of Ghana since The communication developed by repeated encounters between Italian and African authorities concluded in with the inauguration of a new school in a village of the African nation.

The dialogue was mediated, among others, by an Italian anthropologist, Mariano Pavanello of the University of Pisa, who has conducted a very long field research in the village area. And, as we will see, their history is also our history.

a) Bodies and Places in Migration

So he concluded that if we have a common history behind us we also have before us a common future. The king […] the distant great grandson of the last Slave Merchant-King, came to Europe to speak the language of modernity [ The Nzema proverb cited at the beginning teaches us something about tolerance. How can we realize these goals in the real world?

As we have seen, we have doubts about the fact that we could really achieve these aims through a process of formal, institutional negotiation among imagined Anderson different essential identities, participating in a supposed ideal common public space: At the same time we are aware that these gaps in power could simply be reproduced by any ideological presupposition of universal values, goals and ideals which in fact denies the same existence of different from our own social and cultural practices.

We also know that negating or concealing our embodied discriminatory attitudes, grounded on ideas of racial, ethnic and cultural essence, are rhetorical tactics people use to make operative their social classifications: In this paper, after a brief presentation of these theoretical points, we have stressed the relevance for a social working action of a point of view which is both critical in the sense of an anthropological attitude to be critic about habitus and common sense and practical in the sense of an active participation of the social worker into the web of embodied social, political, economics hierarchies and meanings which shapes social lives.

We suggest that the Nzema project could in same way be considered a model of and a model for a practical and critical approach to social work. All these projects make use of anti racist didactic proposals, centred on values like the respect for human rights and dignity, and on a culture of non violence.

They all offer to the Italian and foreign pupils important opportunities to learn languages, to experience the dialogue with different cultures and new, concrete, types of cooperation. We agree with their intentions and with their goals, and we really appreciate their experimental character, particularly when these projects let real scholars play the game of intercultural dialogue with the new technological tools.

What we think our critical, anthropological and pedagogical, perspective could add to these experimental educational projects is a deeper consciousness of the not conscious, embodied character of some discriminatory attitudes; the idea that, for this reason, an anti racist didactical planning is not necessarily an effective instrument to stop racist practices Piper and Garrat , ; the presupposition that the presence of a thick, situated anthropological competence could really help in making plain the not conscious prejudices of different actors of the intercultural scene, and the way they work, thanks to its familiarity with a cultural critique of common senses.

In this perspective, the Nzema project could stand as an example of a different way of practicing the intercultural dialogue, if only because it remembers us that this dialogue is probably easier when the interacting subjects are a king, an academician, and a leftist mayor.

Presentation

Cultural Dimension of Globalization. University of Minnesota Press. Il futuro delle relazioni interculturali. Ricerche, strumenti metodologici, orientamenti educativi.

Per una teoria della pratica, con Tre studi di etnologia cabila. Incorporazione e fenomenologia culturale, in: Antropologia, Corpi, 3, Roma, Meltemi. Storia e critica di un concetto equivoco. La Nuova Italia Scientifica. Social Poetics in the Nation-State. It is one of the main cities in northern Italy, and is both industrial and active.

THE ITALIAN SCHOOL OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY.

Since the second half of the 20th century, the fact that it is such a vibrant city has made it a magnet for migration, initially from the rest of Italy and then from the rest of the world. Thus, the fifth chapter focuses on migration, particularly from abroad mostly the southern Mediterranean region and Africa, and to a lesser extent eastern Europe and Latin America , and its interaction with the market and with food via the market. The market is a social reference point for locals and non-locals alike, and is also an important space for personal and cultural contact that is obviously not always free from tensions or heated moments.

a) Bodies and Places in Migration

Revolving around food and in the relatively small space that it occupies, the market is a microcosm of the social situation of the city of as a whole. It therefore fosters contact with, and the discovery and knowledge of others who — via food and the market — can become closer, with both the upsides and downsides that this implies. This multicultural atmosphere, the hustle and bustle and the toing and froing of people have also helped to create an image and reputation for the market area, which is one of urban conflict, drug trafficking and delinquency.

And it is precisely on this topic that the sixth chapter of the book focuses: Turinese public policies and the promotion of the market space as an area for intercultural cuisine, intercultural communication and gastronomic tourism linked to cultural diversity. Market-related tourism is becoming very important, both in terms of numbers and economic potential the Boqueria market in Barcelona and the Rialto market in Venice are two good examples , and Porta Palazzo is by no means an exception to that rule.

The seventh chapter is given over to an observation of this small market within the market; it discusses local production and sales in relation to it, and examines the changes in consumption habits in Turin and Italy as a whole. Indeed, Slow Food began in Turin and has had a remarkable influence on the development of this discourse at a local level in general, an in the capital city of Piedmont in particular. It is a book that offers an alternative view of the city, from the perspective of a market. It also talks about food, food habits and gastronomy the core chapters actually end with recipes , understood at all times as elements that are inextricably linked to society and culture.

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