Die neuen Wahlkampfstrategien der SPD: Die Bundestagswahlkämpfe 1998 und 2002 (German Edition)

Parteien und Wahlen

Consequently, voters have consistently trusted the party most in building a socially just society e. With the welfare state, labour market regulation and progressive taxation regimes — the policy instruments used to achieve a more equitable distribution of wealth and power — under pressure Pierson, the meaning of social justice began to undergo significant change. Permanent reformism While originally committed to revolutionary socialism, the SPD soon evolved as a reformist party in praxis — even though its party programme only properly reflected this development with the Godesberg Programme.

Here, the SPD abandoned its Marxist roots and Marxist societal analysis, and embraced the mixed market economy and parliamentarian democracy. Based on this programme the SPD re-invented itself as a catch-all Volkspartei and achieved considerable electoral success between the mid s and the mid s. At the same time, the s emergence of post-materialist peace and environmental movements and the resurgence of neo-liberal ideology further diminished electoral support for the SPD Padgett, After loosing the elections the SPD initiated a debate about a new party programme.

Adopted in late , the timing could not have been more unfortunate: There are some attempts to come to terms with the emergence of the peace and environmental movements and the programme tries to build a bridge between the traditional left and the post-materialists. The Berlin Programme no longer answers the question of how to achieve more material prosperity for all by a commitment to continuous economic growth and its redistribution.

Rather, the question is met by somewhat uncertain statements on the necessity of reconciling economy and ecology. Questions on social justice are discussed in conjunction with a debate on the future of the welfare state. With respect to labour market policy, this would mean promoting life-long-learning in order to allow the workforce to adapt better to the changing needs of the labour market SPD, Third Way and Neue Mitte Because of the reasons outlined, in post-reunification Germany the Berlin Programme did not develop nearly the same degree of relevance as the Godesberg Programme did in post-war West Germany.

In November , Oskar Lafontaine was elected new party chairman. Lafontaine , , However, despite this move away from some traditional positions, the party did not substantially re-think its programmatic course until later in the s Frenzel: To do so, welfare-state reform, public administration modernisation and labour market flexibilisation would be necessary under the conditions dictated by globalisation. Despite the deliberations the Programme Debate did not lead to a new programme just yet: After the Red-Green government narrowly won these elections the SPD resumed the debate; but only in May a programme draft was ready for publication.

The Programme Debate was put on ice. What did Agenda mean for the SPD in relation to its position on social justice and social policy? Most important was the re- orientation of social policy towards increasing the employment rate by stepping up the pressure on the unemployed to find paid work. The discourse of social inclusion, which equates labour market participation of everybody of working age as the basis for a socially just society, had fully found its way into governmental policy. Employability-improving measures and assistance in job-search activities were to receive more attention by the state while benefits were reduced and made less generous.

This is about justice also for future generations. In particular the labour market reforms of Agenda caused public protests and led to the foundation of a new party by unionist party members which later merged with the successor party of the predominantly East German Party of Democratic Socialism to become the Linkspartei.

Loriot: Sendezeit-Aufteilung zwischen SPD und CDU/CSU

Soziale Demokratie is not to be confused with Sozialdemokratie: When Platzeck resigned due to bad health in April , his successor Kurt Beck continued the struggle of defining for what the SPD stood and for whom: Beck finally managed to bring the Programme Debate to a conclusion. In early , the SPD published a draft programme as the basis of debate for the new Hamburg Programme to be adopted in autumn. In the future, people and not jobs were to be protected. While Democratic Socialism is not replaced by Soziale Demokratie as some had demanded, it is demoted to one of many historical influences on the SPD.

For the October Hamburg party conference, the draft was re-written after critical motions from party sub-sections and the analysis of a party membership poll. This conclusion needs to be qualified. But the contents of draft and Hamburg Programme actually are almost interchangeable. The Hamburg Programme takes a tougher stance with respect to the level and role of benefit and states, unlike the draft, that the level of social security should not be measured by the value of transfers but by the effectiveness of social policy to re-attach the individual to the labour market SPD, c.

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