Contents:
From Ontology to Parergonality 5. Negotiating the Impossible Politics of Aporia 6. Autoimmunity of Trust without Trust 7. Rethinking International Constitutional Order: The Autoimmune Politics of Binding without Binding 8. The Quest for 'illogical' logics of action in IR 9. Conclusing without a Conclusion. Badredine Arfi is associate professor of political science at the University of Florida.
His research interests include international relations theory and deconstruction. The Series provides a forum for innovative and interdisciplinary work that engages with alternative critical, post-structural, feminist, postcolonial, psychoanalytic and cultural approaches to international relations and global politics. In our first 5 years we have published 60 volumes. We aim to advance understanding of the key areas in which scholars working within broad critical post-structural traditions have chosen to make their interventions, and to present innovative analyses of important topics.
Titles in the series engage with critical thinkers in philosophy, sociology, politics and other disciplines and provide situated historical, empirical and textual studies in international politics. We are very happy to discuss your ideas at any stage of the project: Proposals should be submitted directly to the Series Editors:. It is the best place to contribute post disciplinary works that think rather than merely recognize and affirm the world recycled in IR's traditional geopolitical imaginary. The most commonly cited definition of regimes comes from Stephen Krasner , who defines regimes as "principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area".
Not all approaches to regime theory, however, are liberal or neoliberal; some realist scholars like Joseph Grieco have developed hybrid theories which take a realist based approach to this fundamentally liberal theory. Realists do not say cooperation never happens, just that it is not the norm; it is a difference of degree. International society theory, also called the English School, focuses on the shared norms and values of states and how they regulate international relations.
Examples of such norms include diplomacy, order, and international law. Unlike neo-realism, it is not necessarily positivist. Theorists have focused particularly on humanitarian intervention, and are subdivided between solidarists, who tend to advocate it more, and pluralists, who place greater value in order and sovereignty.
Jackson are perhaps the best known pluralists. Constructivism is not a theory of IR in the manner of neo-realism, but is instead a social theory which is used to better explain the actions taken by states and other major actors as well as the identities that guide these states and actors. Constructivism in IR can be divided into what Ted Hopf calls "conventional" and "critical" constructivism.
Common to all varieties of constructivism is an interest in the role that ideational forces play. The most famous constructivist scholar, Alexander Wendt , noted in a article in International Organization —and later in his book Social Theory of International Politics— that "anarchy is what states make of it".
By this he means that the anarchical structure that neo-realists claim governs state interaction is in fact a phenomenon that is socially constructed and reproduced by states. For example, if the system is dominated by states that see anarchy as a life or death situation what Wendt terms a "Hobbesian" anarchy then the system will be characterized by warfare.
If on the other hand anarchy is seen as restricted a "Lockean" anarchy then a more peaceful system will exist. Anarchy in this view is constituted by state interaction, rather than accepted as a natural and immutable feature of international life as viewed by neo-realist IR scholars. Feminist IR considers the ways that international politics affects and is affected by both men and women and also at how the core concepts that are employed within the discipline of IR e.
Feminist IR has not only concerned itself with the traditional focus of IR on states, wars, diplomacy and security, but feminist IR scholars have also emphasized the importance of looking at how gender shapes the current global political economy. From its inception, feminist IR has also theorized extensively about men and, in particular, masculinities. Many IR feminists argue that the discipline is inherently masculine in nature. For example, in her article "Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals" Signs , Carol Cohn claimed that a highly masculinized culture within the defence establishment contributed to the divorcing of war from human emotion.
Feminist IR emerged largely from the late s onwards. The end of the Cold War and the re-evaluation of traditional IR theory during the s opened up a space for gendering International Relations. However, the growing influence of feminist and women-centric approaches within the international policy communities for example at the World Bank and the United Nations is more reflective of the liberal feminist emphasis on equality of opportunity for women.
Ann Tickner and Jacqui True. It makes the assumption that the economy trumps other concerns; allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. Thus, colonialism brought in sources for raw materials and captive markets for exports, while decolonialization brought new opportunities in the form of dependence. A prominent derivative of Marxian thought is critical international relations theory which is the application of " critical theory " to international relations.
Early critical theorists were associated with the Frankfurt School which followed Marx's concern with the conditions that allow for social change and the establishment of rational institutions. Their emphasis on the "critical" component of theory was derived significantly from their attempt to overcome the limits of positivism. Modern-day proponents such as Andrew Linklater , Robert W. Cox and Ken Booth focus on the need for human emancipation from the nation-state.
Hence, it is "critical" of mainstream IR theories that tend to be both positivist and state-centric. Further linked in with Marxist theories is dependency theory and the core—periphery model , which argue that developed countries, in their pursuit of power, appropriate developing states through international banking, security and trade agreements and unions on a formal level, and do so through the interaction of political and financial advisors, missionaries, relief aid workers, and MNCs on the informal level, in order to integrate them into the capitalist system, strategically appropriating undervalued natural resources and labor hours and fostering economic and political dependence.
Marxist theories receive little attention in the United States. It is more common in parts of Europe and is one of the more important theoretic contributions of Latin American academia to the study of global networks. Interest group theory posits that the driving force behind state behaviour is sub-state interest groups. Examples of interest groups include political lobbyists , the military, and the corporate sector. Group theory argues that although these interest groups are constitutive of the state, they are also causal forces in the exercise of state power.
Strategic perspective is a theoretical [ citation needed ] approach that views individuals as choosing their actions by taking into account the anticipated actions and responses of others with the intention of maximizing their own welfare.
The " inherent bad faith model " of information processing is a theory in political psychology that was first put forth by Ole Holsti to explain the relationship between John Foster Dulles ' beliefs and his model of information processing. They are dismissed as propaganda ploys or signs of weakness.
Post-structuralist theories of IR developed in the s from postmodernist studies in political science. Post-structuralism explores the deconstruction of concepts traditionally not problematic in IR such as "power" and "agency" and examines how the construction of these concepts shapes international relations.
The examination of "narratives" plays an important part in poststructuralist analysis; for example, feminist poststructuralist work has examined the role that "women" play in global society and how they are constructed in war as "innocent" and "civilians". See also feminism in international relations. Rosenberg's article "Why is there no International Historical Sociology" [24] was a key text in the evolution of this strand of international relations theory. Post-structuralism has garnered both significant praise and criticism, with its critics arguing that post-structuralist research often fails to address the real-world problems that international relations studies is supposed to contribute to solving.
International relations are often viewed in terms of levels of analysis. The systemic level concepts are those broad concepts that define and shape an international milieu, characterized by anarchy. Focusing on the systemic level of international relations is often, but not always, the preferred method for neo-realists and other structuralist IR analysts. Preceding the concepts of interdependence and dependence, international relations relies on the idea of sovereignty. Described in Jean Bodin 's "Six Books of the Commonwealth" in , the three pivotal points derived from the book describe sovereignty as being a state, that the sovereign power s have absolute power over their territories, and that such a power is only limited by the sovereign's "own obligations towards other sovereigns and individuals".
While throughout world history there have been instances of groups lacking or losing sovereignty, such as African nations prior to Decolonization or the occupation of Iraq during the Iraq War , there is still a need for sovereignty in terms of assessing international relations. The concept of Power in international relations can be described as the degree of resources, capabilities, and influence in international affairs. It is often divided up into the concepts of hard power and soft power , hard power relating primarily to coercive power, such as the use of force, and soft power commonly covering economics , diplomacy and cultural influence.
However, there is no clear dividing line between the two forms of power. Core or vital interests constitute the things which a country is willing to defend or expand with conflict such as territory, ideology religious, political, economic , or its citizens. Peripheral or non-vital are interests which a state is willing to compromise. For example, in the German annexation of the Sudetenland in a part of Czechoslovakia under the Munich Agreement , Czechoslovakia was willing to relinquish territory which was considered ethnically German in order to preserve its own integrity and sovereignty.
In the 21st century, the status-quo of the international system is no longer monopolized by states alone. Rather, it is the presence of non-state actors, who autonomously act to implement unpredictable behaviour to the international system. Whether it is transnational corporations , liberation movements , non-governmental agencies , or international organizations , these entities have the potential to significantly influence the outcome of any international transaction. Additionally, this also includes the individual person as while the individual is what constitutes the states collective entity, the individual does have the potential to also create unpredicted behaviours.
Al-Qaeda , as an example of a non-state actor, has significantly influenced the way states and non-state actors conduct international affairs. The existence of power blocs in international relations is a significant factor related to polarity.
During the Cold War , the alignment of several nations to one side or another based on ideological differences or national interests has become an endemic feature of international relations. Unlike prior, shorter-term blocs, the Western and Soviet blocs sought to spread their national ideological differences to other nations. Truman under the Truman Doctrine believed it was necessary to spread democracy whereas the Warsaw Pact under Soviet policy sought to spread communism.
After the Cold War, and the dissolution of the ideologically homogeneous Eastern bloc still gave rise to others such as the South-South Cooperation movement. Polarity in international relations refers to the arrangement of power within the international system. The concept arose from bipolarity during the Cold War , with the international system dominated by the conflict between two superpowers , and has been applied retrospectively by theorists.
However, the term bipolar was notably used by Stalin who said he saw the international system as a bipolar one with two opposing powerbases and ideologies. Consequently, the international system prior to can be described as multipolar , with power being shared among Great powers. The collapse of the Soviet Union in had led to unipolarity, with the United States as a sole superpower, although many refuse to acknowledge the fact. China's continued rapid economic growth in it became the world's second-largest economy , combined with the respectable international position they hold within political spheres and the power that the Chinese Government exerts over their people consisting of the largest population in the world , resulted in debate over whether China is now a superpower or a possible candidate in the future.
However, China's strategic force unable of projecting power beyond its region and its nuclear arsenal of warheads compared to of the United States [29] mean that the unipolarity will persist in the policy-relevant future. Several theories of international relations draw upon the idea of polarity. The balance of power was a concept prevalent in Europe prior to the First World War , the thought being that by balancing power blocs it would create stability and prevent war.
Theories of the balance of power gained prominence again during the Cold War , being a central mechanism of Kenneth Waltz 's Neorealism. Here, the concepts of balancing rising in power to counter another and bandwagonning siding with another are developed. Robert Gilpin 's Hegemonic stability theory also draws upon the idea of polarity, specifically the state of unipolarity.
Hegemony is the preponderance of power at one pole in the international system, and the theory argues this is a stable configuration because of mutual gains by both the dominant power and others in the international system. This is contrary to many neorealist arguments, particularly made by Kenneth Waltz , stating that the end of the Cold War and the state of unipolarity is an unstable configuration that will inevitably change. Waltz's thesis can be expressed in power transition theory , which states that it is likely that a great power would challenge a hegemon after a certain period, resulting in a major war.
It suggests that while hegemony can control the occurrence of wars, it also results in the creation of one. Its main proponent, A.
International Relations (IR) theorists have ceaselessly sought to understand, explain, and transform the experienced reality of international politics. Running. www.farmersmarketmusic.com: Re-Thinking International Relations Theory via Deconstruction ( Interventions) (): Badredine Arfi: Books.
Organski , argued this based on the occurrence of previous wars during British, Portuguese, and Dutch hegemony. Many advocate that the current international system is characterized by growing interdependence; the mutual responsibility and dependency on others. Advocates of this point to growing globalization , particularly with international economic interaction. The role of international institutions, and widespread acceptance of a number of operating principles in the international system, reinforces ideas that relations are characterized by interdependence.
Dependency theory is a theory most commonly associated with Marxism , stating that a set of core states exploit a set of weaker periphery states for their prosperity. Various versions of the theory suggest that this is either an inevitability standard dependency theory , or use the theory to highlight the necessity for change Neo-Marxist.
As a level of analysis the unit level is often referred to as the state level, as it locates its explanation at the level of the state, rather than the international system. It is often considered that a state's form of government can dictate the way that a state interacts with others in the international relation. Democratic peace theory is a theory that suggests that the nature of democracy means that democratic countries will not go to war with each other.
The justifications for this are that democracies externalize their norms and only go to war for just causes, and that democracy encourages mutual trust and respect. Communism justifies a world revolution, which similarly would lead to peaceful coexistence, based on a proletarian global society. States can be classified by whether they accept the international status quo , or are revisionist—i. Revisionist states seek to fundamentally change the rules and practices of international relations, feeling disadvantaged by the status quo.
They see the international system as a largely western creation which serves to reinforce current realities. Japan is an example of a state that has gone from being a revisionist state to one that is satisfied with the status quo, because the status quo is now beneficial to it.
Religion can have an effect on the way a state acts within the international system. Different theoretical perspectives treat it in somewhat different fashion. One dramatic example is the Thirty Years' War —48 that ravaged much of Europe. Religion is visible as an organizing principle particularly for Islamic states , whereas secularism sits at the other end of the spectrum, with the separation of state and religion being responsible for the liberal international relations theory. Events since the September 11 attacks in the United States, the role of Islam in terrorism , and the strife in the Middle East have made it a major topic.
There are many different types of religions. One being Confucianism, which is China's major world view Alexander, The level beneath the unit state level can be useful both for explaining factors in international relations that other theories fail to explain, and for moving away from a state-centric view of international relations. International institutions form a vital part of contemporary international relations. Much interaction at the system level is governed by them, and they outlaw some traditional institutions and practices of international relations, such as the use of war except in self-defence.
The United Nations UN is an international organization that describes itself as a "global association of governments facilitating co-operation in international law , international security , economic development , and social equity"; It is the most prominent international institution. Many of the legal institutions follow the same organizational structure as the UN. The organisation attempts to be the collective voice of the Muslim world Ummah and attempts to safeguard the interests and ensure the progress and well-being of Muslims.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For the academic journal, see International Relations journal. For the academic journal, see International Affairs journal. For other uses, see International affairs disambiguation. Index of politics articles Politics by country Politics by subdivision Political economy Political history Political history of the world Political philosophy.
Political science political scientists. Public policy doctrine Domestic and foreign policy Civil society Public interest. Separation of powers Legislature Executive Judiciary Election commission. Sovereignty Theories of political behavior Political psychology Biology and political orientation Political organisations Foreign electoral intervention. International relations of the Great Powers — English school of international relations theory.
Bad faith and inherent bad faith model.
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. International Systems in World History: